SUNDAY AUGUST 13, 2023

PRE-CONFERENCE

1:00 PM-2:45    GENEALOGY WORKSHOP

Records in Mexico: Collections and Repositories

Arturo Cuellar

Abstract: The goal of this conference workshop will be to know and identify the major genealogical collections and repositories in Mexico. The primary collections to look for in Mexico are the civil registration and Catholic Church records. Additionally, I will recommend two significant other collections, depending on the place and date we are looking for, as well as knowing if your ancestor traveled to the United States. Significant other resources include university archives and  censuses, court records, military records, emigration lists and land ownership records. A handout with sources and contact information will be included for starting a person’s own search.

Bio: Arturo Cuellar is a genealogical researcher and lecturer with 30+ years of research experience. He works in the Family Search History Library as a Latin America research specialist. He is an accredited genealogist specializing in Argentina, Mexico, Colombia-Panama, Peru, and Venezuela. Also, he has a bachelor’s degree in Family History. Currently, he is working towards an MA in Latin American Studies. He has researched over 20 Latin America and Spain archives and record repositories.

Rare finds in archival material

Genie Milgrom

Hatul72@aol.com

Abstract: Having spent the greater part of the last 15 years searching for my own Crypto-Jewish genealogy in the archives of Spain and Portugal, most of the documentation located was expected. Birth, Marriage and death Church records until 1545 then farther back notarial deeds, land sales, last wills and testaments and finally the Procesos or Inquisition Judgements. I was finally able to find not only an unbroken lineage to 22 grandmothers and 1405 Pre-Inquisition Spain and Portugal but I was able to prove, with Primary sources, that 28 of the 32 lines of my ascendants were Crypto-Jews.

This was a cut and dried type of research once you get the systematic research take over yet I was always looking, yearning, and determined to find the Jewish surname of any branch of my family as all I had in those thousands of relatives were converso names as New Christians.

I was finally ready to give up and move on when I came upon several documents written in Hebrew hidden inside an Inquisition judgement from Portugal and a 19th maternal grandfather. Never had any archivist I consulted seen anything like it and had probably been placed there to further prove that the ancestor was a Jew.

The writing was Hebrew but the language wasn’t. This fascinating find led me back to three Rabbis on my tree and their original Jewish Names in 1400. The historical significance of those documents will be showcased in this talk.

Bio:  Genie Milgrom is an author and Crypto-Jewish researcher. Having descended from a long ancestry of  hidden Jews from Spain and Portugal, she was able to document an unbroken maternal lineage going back to 1405 and 22 grandmothers in a row . She was b hooded by Netanya Academic College for her work as well as numerous recognitions . a documentary on her work and life will be released in early 2024.

THE 33^RD ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF THE SOCIETY FOR CRYPTO-JUDAIC STUDIES

SUNDAY, AUGUST 13

3-3:15 PM        CONFERENCE OPENING

Blanca Carrasco, Marina Rosa Siegel, Introductory comments

Isaac Amon, M.C.

3:15-5:15         PANEL 1: THE EUROPEAN EXPERIENCE

A Spotlight on the 1720s Persecution of Crypto-Judaism in Spain

Professor (Emeritus) Abraham Gross

agross@bgu.ac.il

Abstract: The frantic activity of the Spanish Inquisition 1720s, directed primarily against New  Christians, constitutes, possibly, the fiercest attack against individuals and enclaves of  judaizing since its first decade of activity in the 1480s. Ordered and orchestrated by the  Suprema in Madrid, it involved all of the tribunals in Spain. Historians have termed it “The  Final Suppression of Crypto-Judaism in Spain” (Jonathan Israel); “La ultima ofensiva contra  los Judios” (Egido); “La ultima gran persecucíon inquisitorial contra criptojudaismo” (Rafael  de Lera García).

Unlike the Portuguese Inquisitorial archives, most of the processos of the Spanish Tribunals  did not survive. However, there remained short relaciones and alegaciones fiscales which  hold basic information about the autos de fé and the victims. I have been working in  collaboration with Prof. Michael Alpert of London on a database which will be easy to use  for scholars and for laymen alike, allowing searches and statistics of all kinds. This lecture will show the possibilities that such a database will enable, namely, more  specific and more precise results, comparative possibilities, as well as going beyond previous  scholarship on a wide range of issues.

Bio:  Professor Gross earned his Ph.D. at Harvard University, and is Emeritus at the Dept. of Jewish History in the Ben Gurion University of the Negev. His research fields include the Cultural history of Iberian Jewry and its diaspora, history of New Christians, and the history of Jewish Martyrdom.

Portuguese and Amsterdam’s Sephardic Merchants and the Tobacco Trade

Yda Schreuder

ydas@udel.edu

Abstract: In the seventeenth century, Amsterdam became one of the world’s chief tobacco markets.  In her latest book.: Portuguese and Amsterdam’s Sephardic Merchants in the Tobacco Trade, Yda Schreuder reveals the key role played in this development by Portuguese Jews.  These recent immigrants, who collaborated with fellow merchants in the Iberian Peninsula, obtained much of their tobacco through smuggling in Spanish America.

 Little known materials from the Engel Sluiter Historical Documents Collection at UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library, allowed her to shed new light on the early seventeenth century development and expansion of the tobacco trade from Tierra Firme and Hispaniola through contraband, smuggling, bribery, and fraud, in which the trade in the “Devils Weed” flourished.

The deep involvement of Portuguese New Christians (Conversos and/or Crypto Jews) and Sephardic Jews in the Transatlantic tobacco trade illustrate the entangled nature of trade relationships that brought together diverse groups in illicit trade networks with merchants of the Portuguese Nation with merchants from Amsterdam.

Bio:  Yda Schreuder is Professor Emerita of Geography at the University of Delaware and Research Associate at the Hagley Museum and Library, USA.  She previously published a monograph on Amsterdam's Sephardic merchants and the Atlantic sugar trade in the seventeenth century.

I, Teresa de Lucena: The Portrait of a Conversa who Stayed

Ellen Kanner

eskanner@comcast.net

Abstract: Teresa de Lucena was born into a prominent converso family in Toledo, Spain in 1467— a violent year in a tumultuous century. In 1485, shortly after the Spanish Inquisition arrived in Toledo, Teresa, seventeen, and her sister Leonor, eighteen, made identical confessions: an aunt in Sevilla had taught them to practice Jewish rituals when they were young. Inquisitors pardoned them both without penalty or punishment.

Not long afterward, Leonor fled to Portugal.

Teresa refused to go. She stayed in Toledo, surrounded by converso friends and family until 1530, when she was arrested by the Inquisition. After a lengthy trial, she was found guilty of heresy on several counts including Judaizing and communicating with a known heretic: her sister. Saved by her wits, Teresa survived.

As an independent scholar, I have transcribed, translated and closely studied the original documents in Teresa’s dossier for over thirty years. In this presentation, I will offer a rare portrait of a conversa who stayed; the identities of the witnesses who offered testimony against her; how she and her relatives defied the Inquisition by communicating in secret; and the bargain she struck that saved her life.

Bio:  Ellen Kanner is an independent scholar who has lived and studied in Spain for many years. In 2022, she and artist Annie Zeybekoglu published I, Teresa de Lucena: Reflections on the Trial of a Conversa, an intimate look at the life of a woman who faced the Spanish Inquisition twice. The book weaves Ellen’s translations of archival documents from the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid, Spain with her research and reflections, accompanied by original illustrations by the artist.

Discovering and Tracing the Sephardic Roots of Jewish Baroque Composers

Carla Sciaky

cpsciaky@gmail.com

Abstract: As a baroque violinist preparing a program of 16th-18th century European composers who had Jewish heritage or connections, the research journey took me to surprising places. I stumbled on stories that sound more like a mystery novel than history, revealing new evidence that is still being researched and theories being explored even today. Once I compiled the complete repertoire for our 2016 concert, which we performed again in 2019, I came to realize that all but one of the composers were Sephardic, though they had lived and worked in Italy, England, the Netherlands, and Belgium. This was not the first time that putting a musical program together had given me an intimate glance into an era or a culture, but it was the first time that it was actually interconnected with my own heritage. I will describe the stories of the composers, illustrate the magnitude and richness of their contributions to European music history, and share how this deepened my own family story for me. I can also share samples of a few of the beautiful melodies my quartet performed in those two concerts.

Bio:  Carla Sciaky is a multi-instrumentalist based in Lakewood, Colorado. She plays baroque violin with the Baroque Chamber Orchestra of Colorado (www.bcocolorado.org) and with her quartet Sémplice (www.semplicebaroque.com) . She is also known for her concurrent five-decade career as a folksinger/songwriter, including a recent induction into the Colorado Music Hall of Fame with the group the Mother Folkers. She has won awards and accolades for her songwriting and performances on stages throughout the US and Europe that range from elementary school classrooms to folk clubs to churches and synagogues to Carnegie Recital Hall, and has an extensive discography of solo and ensemble albums. Outside of music, Carla is deeply committed to the world of alternative medicine, is certified in several energy and holistic health modalities, and has a coaching and healing practice called Doorway to Healing. She is presently writing a book based on her musical journey and the healing it has brought into her life. (www.carlasciaky.com)

5:15-6:15         COCKTAIL RECEPTION AND MARIACHI FIESTA

Note: A Minyan will be available for those who wish to participate at 6:30-6:50

6:45-7:45         BANQUET DINNER

Welcoming Honored Guests and Comments:

Mauricio Ibarra Ponce de Leon, Consul General of Mexico, and

Martha Vera, Honorary Consul of Spain

7:45-8:45         STANLEY M. HORDES DISTINGUISHED SCHOLAR LECTURE

Moderator: Seth Ward

Rafael Gil Rodríguez and the Decline of The Inquisition: New Spain, 18th Century

Silvia Hamui Sutton
EMAIL

ABSTRACT

MONDAY, AUGUST 14

8-9:30              PANEL 2: ISSUES IN ANCESTRY

Chair: Rabbi Barbara Cohen, Cong. Ahavath Sholom, Gt. Barrington MA (Provisional)

Identity and Culture of Sephardic Jews in the New World

Nancy Katz

nancy@comkatz.com

Abstract: Looking at ideas of culture and identity in the context of Jewishness, this paper is a methodological approach to the idea that Crypto-Jews of New Spain went to New Spain out of an Iberian/Spanish identity. Engaging in identifying the issue of defining Jewishness, this paper seeks to construct ways to use culture and identity theory to define “What is a Jew” both in the past and in the present. Sephardic Jewishness is one of many identifiers that resulted from the Diaspora following the destruction of the Second Temple and the expulsion of Jews from their homeland by the Romans. Using Clifford Geertz's culture theory, I analyze the sources regarding Spanish Jews who migrated to New Spain. Identity theory examines people's social interactions and looks at the development of racial formation theory and scientific racism in anthropology to further define the ideas on Jewishness and other identities.

Bringing this research into the current time, I am also conducting oral histories of these descendants and looking at the ramifications of the 2015 Spanish law bestowing citizenship on these people.ultimately, identity in the decision to immigrate to New Spain. When it comes to Crypto-Jews, the notion that Spanish culture was a prominent influence has received just a cursory examination in earlier publications on the subject. The fact that the Jewish people of Spain had been a part of numerous transformations in their society while still maintaining a Spanish identity points to the impact of culture on this subgroup of the population. The argument of this dissertation is that the many Jewish people in Spain, after being expelled, chose to go to New Spain due to their cultural identity as Spanish. This chapter offers an analysis of theory and scientific evidence regarding Sephardic Jews that support the idea that they chose to stay within the realm of Spanish power, due to their identity.

Bio:  Nancy Katz is a Ph.D. student at the University of Houston, pursuing studies in the Early Modern Atlantic world, emphasizing Jewish connections in that world.

Which Came First: The Discovery or the Return?

Madison Jackson

madison.jackson@chatham.edu

Abstract: Due to the traumatizing effects of the Spanish Inquisition, the Holocaust and communism, throughout the years many individuals originally from the Iberian Peninsula and eastern Europe hid their identities for safety and did not tell their children that they were Jewish. Yet, over the last ten to 30 years many individuals in the American Southwest, and in or from eastern Europe, have discovered unknown Jewish roots and made a return to practicing Judaism in some way. Through interviews turned into creative non-fiction essays, this paper puts the two experiences in conversation with each other and examines the diverse ways individuals learned about their Jewish identities in the American Southwest and eastern Europe. The results of this research demonstrate that many individuals once impacted by the Spanish Inquisition often return to Judaism before knowing about their Jewish roots, while individuals from eastern Europe frequently return to Judaism because of discovering Jewish roots. This presentation will include reading some of the stories worked on as part of a larger project which highlights this stark difference in a return to Judaism.

Bio:  Madison Jackson is currently finishing her Master of Fine Arts degree in creative nonfiction writing, with a concentration in travel writing, at Chatham University. She is passionate about global Jewish life and lives in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Her thesis, a collection of essays titled When We Realized: Narratives of Returning to Jewish Roots, compares the experience of individuals from central and eastern Europe who found out they were Jewish later in life and returned to Judaism in some way, with the experience of crypto-Jews in the American Southwest.

Certificate of Sephardic Ancestry:

From Dream to Reality

Genie Milgrom

Hatul72@aol.com

Abstract: As Director of the emerging communities of Latin America for Kulanu, I am in Central America or Mexico several times a year, working hand in hand to help them build mikvahs, cemeteries and obtain kosher food and much more. They are serious communities embracing the Jewish people and some of those have 200 or more members.

With that said, they are rejected by the traditional communities and through their joy, the sadness overwhelms them. My dream was to give them a reason to stand tall and proud and embrace their ancestry.

With the backing of The American Sephardic Federation Institute  of Jewish Experience and Reconectar, a Certificate of Sephardic Ancestry was produced that is a cultural acknowledgement of their ancestry. After producing adequate documentation and family trees a determination is made as to their eligibility.

These many descendants of the Crypto-Jews display this proudly and give testimony to their family histories. A full circle, dream come true.

Bio:  Genie Milgrom is an author and Crypto-Jewish researcher. Having descended from a long ancestry of  hidden Jews from Spain and Portugal, she was able to document an unbroken maternal lineage going back to 1405 and 22 grandmothers in a row . She was b hooded by Netanya Academic College for her work as well as numerous recognitions . a documentary on her work and life will be released in early 2024.

9:45-11:45        PANEL 3: NEW SPAIN—MEXICO AND NEW MEXICO

Chair: Marla Cohen, El Paso Federation (provisional)

The New Mexico Frontier:  A Crypto-Jewish Haven or New World Hell?

Amy I. Aronson, Ph.D.

aaronson@valdosta.edu

Abstract: Many scholars support the thesis that the northern frontier of the Spanish empire in the Americas served as a refuge for those fleeing the authority of the Mexican Inquisition.  In the case of the Crypto-Jews, who had fled their homes in Spain and Portugal and arrived to New Spain, the northern Mexican frontier provided  these secret Jews a relatively safe haven and respite from persecution.  The commonly held idea being that the further one was from the metropolis of central Mexico, the greater the sense of tolerance and safety.  In fact, it appears that the distant outpost of New Mexico was considered "the zone of refuge from the zone of refuge," as one Crypto-Jew at the time is quoted as having stated.  However, evidence abounds to contradict this commonly held belief. This paper will propose that the northern frontier of New Spain was hardly a haven for Crypto-Jews of the time but rather a living, western, New World hell.

Bio:  Amy I. Aronson teaches at Valdosta State University in Georgia. She received her Ph.D. in Hispanic Linguistics and Medieval Spanish Literature from Temple University. Aronson is the recipient of a Fulbright Scholarship to Chile and Argentina, and directs Valdosta’s Peru Study Abroad Program.  Her publications include Marginal Voices: Studies in Converso Literature of Medieval and Renaissance Spain (Brill, 2012).

Gitlitz and Silverado: A review and discussion of David's book, the subject of lectures given in prior SCJS meetings

Seth Ward

sward@uwyo.edu

Abstract:  Living in Silverado was the last book written by David Gitlitz (1942-2020); the hardcover appeared in 2019 with the paperback edition in 2022. I had the privilege of hearing Professor Gitlitz lecture about three of the large and extended families he covered for the book several times, most recently in 2019, when his book was just finished. His 2019 lecture was entitled Twenty Generations of Conversos and the Transmission of Jewish Identity.

Living in Silverado uses detailed inquisition records to trace as much as can be known of the personal lives, family relationships, observances, thoughts, even food and clothing of 16^th century Spanish-Portuguese individuals of Jewish heritage in New Spain, many of whom were related to one another. Some of them spoke at length to Inquisitors, providing hundreds of pages of recorded testimony. The book focuses on families involved in mining, with a largely solitary existence and children often brought up by non-Jewish wives and a much more attenuated attitude to Judaism than the vibrant Judaizing community in Mexico City. Professor Gitlitz also examines the well-known Carvajal family and those who came to Mexico with them and transformed Jewish identity there, at least for a while.

The scope and detail of the study are quickly evident from lists of the name, town of origin, birthdate, date and residence in Mexico, and profession or status of over 100 16^th-century individuals mentioned in this book, details known about observances of Yom Kippur, Purim and Passover in general, and the names of those who attended 23 Jewish holiday observances of of Manuel de Lucena and Catalina Enrriquez.

Gitlitz concluded that the frequency of observance of Jewish customs such as holidays and kosher diet reduced substantially with each generation, but rarely occurred past the early 17^th century. He describes an active social and religious life of the Judaizing community at the Cárcel Perpétua (Permanent Prison) in Mexico City. But especially in the mining towns, few if any made a concerted effort to transmit actual Jewish practices past the generation of those who had come from Spain.

Finally, we examine whether Gitlitz’ depiction of these individuals and communities helps explain key elements of what is often called crypto-Jewish identity as it emerged in the late 20^th and early 21^st centuries, especially among persons of Mexican heritage in what is today the Southwestern United States.

Bio:  Seth Ward retired last summer from the University of Wyoming. He has been on the Board of Directors of the SCJS for about two decades, and has frequntly served as Program Chair, which is the case this syummer.

Escaping Rumor in the Mexican Inquisition

Daria Berman

b.daria@wustl.edu

Abstract: The last major activity by the Mexican Inquisition ended in the 1640s. The trials culminated in the Grand Auto de Fe, in which inquisitors arrested over one-hundred Portuguese conversos for allegedly practicing Judaism. I research the lesser known cases of ordinary Portuguese converso solider-merchants and soldier-farmers who faced accusations of political conspiracy at the time of Portugal’s independence war from Spain, or, the Portuguese Restoration War (1640-1668). While researchers tend to focus on famous cases in this period that showed exceptional cases of crypto-Judaism, the lesser known cases demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of the conversos were not crypto-Jews but individuals who engaged in a hybrid of Jewish-Catholic and indigenous religious traditions. These Portuguese conversos immigrated to the Spanish Empire, especially Mexico, in hopes of escaping persecution and religious violence in Portugal. However, they suffered from renewed Spanish Inquisition persecution because of their Jewish ancestry and ethnically Portuguese identities. Portuguese immigrants in particular became vulnerable targets of the inquisition because the Portuguese Restoration War generated suspicion of the Portuguese as political spies. These lesser known cases are critical to unraveling the mystery of the last major Inquisition activity against conversos in Mexico

Bio:  Daria Berman is a second year PhD student in the Department of History at Washington University in St. Louis and a graduate affiliate of the Center for the Study of Race, Ethnicity & Equity. Her research focuses on the Spanish and Mexican Inquisition in the seventeenth century, with a particular focus on the Grand Auto de Fe of the 1640s. By analyzing Inquisition trials in relation to the popular literature, medical treatises, and polemical writings of the time period, she engages with a range of methodologies to rebuild the various cultures of worship that formed converso communities in the metropole and in the colonies of Mexico. She currently is a contributor to the EarlyPrint digital humanities project that builds a digital library for British writings spanning from the fifteenth to eighteen centuries

Discovering the Poetry in Mexican Inquisition Trial Transcripts

Mark Schneegurt

mark.schneegurt@wichita.edu

Abstract: CryptoJews from the Carvajal clan living in Mexico in the 16th Century followed the Laws of Moses in hiding.  Eventually they were discovered, arrested, imprisoned, tortured, and many murdered as part of the Catholic Inquisition.  This included Luis de Carvajal, El Mozo, his mother Francisca, his companion Justa Méndez, his sisters Leonor, Marianna, Anica, and Isabel, friend Manuel de Lucena, and grandniece Leonor de Cáceres, among others.  During lengthy trials, they were compelled to recite cultic poems and songs with religious meaning for their community, having lost much of their Portuguese Jewish heritage.  Fragments of poems were recorded in trial transcripts that now reside in special collections of rare document libraries.  The current project served to identify religious poetry in original trial transcripts, mainly related to the auto de fé of 1596, and create paleographic transcriptions.  Poems were ultimately translated into English and published to proliferate the historic words of these Jewish martyrs.  The rare trial transcripts were found in libraries from Berkeley to New York to New Orleans.  This talk will tell the story of how the documents were obtained and the challenges of locating and transcribing the poems buried in handwritten trial transcripts from 400 years ago.

Bio:  Mark A. Schneegurt is an author, educator, scientist, and entrepreneur.  His books range from scholarly works on science, religion, and literature to popular books on The Beatles.  He has authored 80+ publications and has made 200+ public presentations of his works.  Recipient of awards for teaching and research, Dr. Schneegurt holds degrees from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and Brown University, with professional appointments at Purdue University, University of Notre Dame, and Wichita State University.

12:45-1:45        MARTIN SOSIN-PETIT ADDRESS TO ADVANCE SCHOLARSHIP IN THE CRYPTO-JUDAIC ARTS
Moderator: Corinne Brown

Jillian Glantz, Filmmaker: “Remember My Soul”—Jews of the Borderlands

ABSTRACT

BIO

1:45-3:15         Panel 4: THE CONVERSA EXPERIENCE THROUGH A GENDERED LENS

Panel Organizer and Chair: Rebecca Wartell

Mary, Esther, Deborah, Judith: Veneration of the Divine Feminine in Crypto-Judaism

Rebecca Wartell

Rebecca.Wartell@Colorado.edu

Abstract: Often described as a matrilineal religion, women have historically served as the keepers of crypto-Judaism as a private, domestic tradition. Whereas conversos participate in Catholic observance in overtly public arenas of faith and communal affiliation, the veneration of female saints can be understood as a mirror of the feminine underpinnings of hidden Jewish traditions. This paper will explore the repeated invocation of the Shekhinah, the divine feminine, in Jewish texts and the parallel cultic venerations of female saints as expressions of the specifically matrilineal essence of crypto-Judaism. In broader terms, the experience of exile, physical and spiritual, takes on gendered layers of meaning in Jewish and Christian experience.

Bio:  Rebecca Wartell, PhD is a Teaching Assistant Professor at the University of Colorado Boulder in the Program in Jewish Studies. Her research focuses on Sephardic and conversa women of the  early modern period, both in Mediterranean and cross-Atlantic colonial contexts. Her current  book project draws primarily from Hebrew rabbinic texts that highlight the experiences of women as refugees and religious converts in the sixteenth century.

Hija kerida, la guardadora de secretos: Inherited Cultural Memory and Conversa Identity on the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands

Teresita Lozano

Teresita.Lozano@utrgv.edu

Abstract: Growing up in El Paso, Texas as the daughter of Mexican immigrant parents, I was no stranger to the experiences of transnational identity formation, particularly in cultural and religious contexts. However, as a child, I always knew something was different about my Mexican family, especially when seated next to others at a Catholic Mass. Where other necks were adorned with crosses, my grandmother and my father donned something special – a silver star with six points, which they often kept hidden beneath their shirt collar. One day, my father explained, I would also wear such a star, perhaps accompanied by a medallion of the Virgen de Guadalupe. Such a juxtaposition of two powerful symbols, at times accompanied by other strong female saints, reflected a long lineage of inherited cultural memory and conversa femininity that would be transferred to me by my paternal grandmother, who had no daughters of her own. My receiving such symbols of my crypto-Judaic and mestiza heritage, initiated an ongoing journey as keeper of secrets, codified in gestures, traditions, foodways, and songs. This paper explores experiences of crypto-Judaic and conversa womanhood, analyzing the role of liminality, memory, and music in the shaping of identity on the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands.

Bio:  Dr. Teresita Lozano is an Assistant Professor of Musicology and Ethnomusicology at the

University of Texas Rio Grande Valley. A daughter of Mexican immigrants and native of the

U.S.-Mexico border, Dr. Lozano engages in research that explores the relationship between

music, migration, religion, and identity. Her scholarly interests were directly influenced by her

own complex Mexican heritage, framed by intersecting indigenous and post-colonial histories,

including crypto-Judaic conversos in west-central Mexico. Dr. Lozano is currently working on a

monograph that analyzes the musical testimonies of undocumented immigrants and their

transborder encounters with miraculous religious apparitions

Queen Esther: A Model of Resistance For Crypto-Jews

Ronit Treatman

ronit.treatman18@gmail.com

Abstract: Queen Esther has played a very important role for the crypto-Jews of Iberia and Latin America. I will explore the symbolic resonance that Queen Esther, and her hidden identity, had for these communities. I will discuss how syncretism transformed Queen Esther into Saint Esther, and Purim into the Fast and Feast of Saint Esther. I will review evidence of the observance of the Fast and Feast of Saint Esther in the Inquisition files of Mallorca in an actual case study. I will also review my field research into the current existence of the phenomenon of Saint Esther in the Southwest United States and the still present tradition of santeros making retablos of Saint Esther, including actual pieces of artwork

Bio:  Ronit Treatman was born in Israel, and grew up in Ethiopia and Venezuela. After serving in the Israel Defense Forces' Foreign Liaison Division, she studied International Business Administration in the United States. She was the president of The Philadelphia Jewish Voice. In 2013 she began to volunteer with Reconectar, a platform that strengthens and reconnects descendants of Spanish and Portuguese Jewish Communities. After several years of corresponding with people curious about their Jewish roots, she wrote Hands-On Jewish Holidays, dedicated to this community. It is available in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan.

3:45-5:45         PANEL 5: EL PASO HERITAGE

Chair: _______

El Paso Heritage: documenting crypto-Jews

Peter Shvarzbein

Abstract: This presenttion opens the "El Paso Heritage" panel with some photos from Shvarzbein's crypto-collection and a talk about his lifelong obsession of documenting crypto-Jews.

My practice is focused on exploring notions of history and identity in La Frontera/ the border.  Whether it has been shedding light on emerging Crypto-Jews to a larger Jewish or Latino community or representing the unique relationship between Cd. Juarez, Mexico, and El Paso, Texas through the El Paso Transnational Trolley Project, my belief is that art can function as a vehicle for dialog and change.
Over the past 30 years,  there has been a resurgence of Jewish conversions of  “Crypto-Jews” or Anusim.  A Minyan to a Million constitutes a nearly 20 year exploration of returning Crypto-Jewish communities of the Southwest and Latin America.

This ongoing project has utilized different formats to document these returning Latino families to normative Judaism. Of the different mediums the most successful has been through an evolving food and an art installation entitled Conversos y Tacos Kosher Gourmet Trucks est. 1492.  Art is a universal language but food is the ultimate unifier. Food is love, care, connection and sustenance, holding a special meaning in both Jewish and Hispanic/Latino cultures.  By mixing humor with socially relevant issues in public installations, my work aims to inspire and break down borders, whether cultural, aesthetic or geographic.

Bio:  Peter Svarzbein is a photographer, curator and disruptive media specialist. Graduate of the renowned Eddie Adams Photojournalism Workshop, Svarzbein earned his MFA from the School of Visual Arts in New York. During graduate school at the SVA, Svarzbein created the El Paso Transnational Trolley Project.  This self-created activist/artist project is the impetus for Svarzbein’s public service. His work advocating with community leaders resulted in TXDOT committing $97 million to construct a trolley route and refurbish the original streetcars that ran between El Paso and Juarez.  Svarzbein’s art led him to a run for public office in 2015,  where he completed two full terms on El Paso’s City Council as city councilman and Mayor Pro Tempore.

Svarzbein has exhibited work both nationally and internationally including a video installation in the Guggenheim's "Still-Spotting NYC" exhibition, at UTEP's Rubin Gallery in a bi-national exhibition "El Flow" and in the "Puro Border" exhibition at the INBA Museum of Fine Art in Cd. Juarez, Mex. Of note was his interactive installation "Conversos Y Tacos Kosher Gourmet Trucks est. 1492" which was funded through a grant with the National Endowment for the Arts and featured on NPR's "Here and Now".

An Incredible Family History Unearthed: How A Search for the Past Can Redefine the Present and Future

Blanca (Garza Enriquez) Carrasco

Blanca Carrasco <epjf.bcarrasco@gmail.com>

Abstract: My name is Blanca Monica Marina Garza Enriquez Espinoza Perez Crispin Tijerina Cortez Salinas and I've been practicing Judaism for over 25 years. In some ways my journey to El Paso reflects that of other Hispanics who are referred to as “Mexican Americans” with one difference: I am a converso, a Jew by choice.

I was told my many last names might have Sephardic and/or crypto-Jewish origin and wanted to learn more. The resulting search for my roots has been a life-changing experience that took me from the Catholic Church to Judaism, a religion that originally seemed distant and foreign. My passion for understanding led me to an evangelical and messianic movement, until, in 2007, my husband and I sought Rabbi Stephen Leon in El Paso to help us convert.

This presentation dares ask: “How does one truly identify ethnicity?” How do we claim our heritage?   In short, the question “How did I get here?” is as important as “Who am I? “

In 2017, I decided to research my biological father in Torreon, Coahuila, Mexico where I was born. I discovered he was a descendant of Marcos Alonso de La Garza y del Arcon, co-founder of Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, a center for crypto-Jews since Spanish Colonial times. In his lineage, I found Constanza de la Garza, a crypto-Jew who was tried by the Spanish Inquisition and died in house-arrest, possibly my 9th grandmother.

Finding this ancestry has strengthened my spiritual and community commitment and sense of connection. With the help of a genealogist and my own determination, I learned that finding one’s roots can shape a person’s sense of self and their life choices. I've been practicing Judaism for over 25 years, not knowing about my family's Jewish roots but longing to find out about my passion to embrace Judaism, a religion that seemed to be distant from my family’s experience.

In 2017 to my amazement, I found out that my biological father was a descendant of Marcos Alonso de La Garza y del Arcon, co-founder of Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, an important center for conversos and crypto-Jews in Mexico since the time of Luis Carvajal and Diego de Montemayor. In his lineage, I found someone who stroke a chord in me as crypto-Jew: Constanza de la Garza who was tried by the Spanish Inquisition and died in house arrest who may be my 13th grandmother. Her bones and effigy were burned in an “Acto de Fe” in Las Palmas de Gran Canarias alongside her brother Alonso, who was burned alive with three other people. All of them atoned for their religious crimes in a bonfire in 1624.

This information has enriched my life and have made me finally understand my spiritual connection with Judaism.

Bio:  Blanca Carrasco, born in Torreón, Mexico, has lived in El Paso, Texas for over 30 years. She is a direct descendant of Marcos Alonso de la Garza y del Arcon, co-founder of Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, an area known for conversos and crypto-Jews in New Spain. She shares her “journey” as a descendant of crypto-Jews and as a “Conversa”, reaching out to people interested in learning about their Jewish roots, especially at the Anusim Center & Synagogue.

"Capital of the Cryptos"

David Mariscal Varela

alerav31@yahoo.com; dvarela@destinationelpaso.com

Abstract: Presentation will cover personal story about encountering this part of my lineage not only on my father's side but also on my mother's side. I would explain the small details and encounters in my life. Growing up I believed us to be Catholic only later as an adult to come to realize when discovering this about my family that our customs were not Catholic at all.

Cultural parallels include many cross over details between Latin America, Judaism and Jewish culture that are often overlooked in our region. Cross-cultural parallels and connections between the converso traditions and many presently-practiced traditions are still alive and well within this community. Examples include food, dress, animal slaughter, funerary customs and language to name a few.

 The objective of this paper is to show that the plethora of micro details that make up our largely Latin community have very profound Judaic roots.

Bio:  BIO

The Past, Present and Future of the Crypto-Jewish Influence in the El Paso ,Sunland Park and Juarez Communities

Rabbi Stephen Leon

rabbisal@aol.com

Abstract: Historical documentation, DNA studies, published reference books and current articles all provide sufficient evidence to validate the existance and presence of a significant community of Crypto-Jews who reside in El Paso, Texas, Sunland Park, New Mexico and Juarez, Mexico. Through the efforts and activities of the Anusim Center and Synagogue including conventions, conferences, concerts, guest speakers, cultural presentations, the publication of a bilingual newsletter, and offering services and community festival activities in Hebrew, Spanish, English and Ladino,information and educational material has been made available to the public at large from 1986 to the present day.

In addition to the successful local programming as described above, organized cultural visits to Israel with more than 50 members of the Crypto-Jewish community in attendance have included visits to the Dona Gracia Museum in Tiberias, the Diaspora Museum of Tel Aviv University and lectures by Rabbi Nisan ben Avraham of Shilo on the West Bank, a former Chueta from Majorca, who made Aliya, became a scholar, scribe and professional tourist guide over 3 decades ago. These past programs and activities, together with current events and educational opportunities and the planning of future classes, informational visits to Israel and services will ensure that the recognition, the validation and the positive influence of the B'nai Anusim and Crypto-Jews will be known throughout the Jewish, the general and the academic world for many generations to come.

Bio:  Rabbi Stephen Leon has served as the rabbi of the Elmwood Park Jewish Center in New Jersey from 1971 to 1986, and the rabbi and rabbi emeritus of Congregation B'nai Zion, El Paso from 1986 to the present. He is the founder, director and currently the rabbi of the Anusim Center and Synagogue. He is a graduate of Columbia University and the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. Rabbi Leon received his rabbinic ordination from the Academy for Jewish Religion in New York in 1971. Rabbi Leon was on the faculty of the Academy for Jewish Religion from 1971 to 1986 and the Dean of the Academy for Jewish Religion from 1974 to 1986. He also was a member of the faculty of the Univetsity of Texas at El Paso from 1993 to 2017. Rabbi Leon has been the scholar-in -residence and guest speaker in the following communities: Barcelona, Buenos Aires, Jerusalem, Netanya, London, Capetown, Budapest, Toronto, Montreal, Philadelphia, New York, New Jersey, Florida, Texas, New Mexico, Mexico and  California. Rabbi Leon's book "The Third Commandment and the Anusim; A Rabbi's Memoir on an Incredible People" was published by Gaon Press in 2017.

7:30-8:30         JUDY FRANKEL MEMORIAL CONCERT

Moderator: Debbie Wohl Isard

Robyn Helzner, “A Key to the Casa – Celebrating Jewish Life in Sephardic Spain”

TUESDAY AUG 15

8:15-8:45 AM GENERAL MEMBERSHIP MEETING

Rosa Marina Siegel, SCJS President

Agenda items include

8:45-10:15        PANEL 6: FREEDOM, HISTORY, AND THE MODERN WORLD

Chair: ______ ,

In the Crosshairs- How HaLapid Preserves Crypto-Judaic History

Corinne Joy Brown

corinnejb@aol.com

Abstract: As the phenomenon of crypto-Judaic awareness blossoms around the world, research is disseminated via conferences and Face Book groups. In addition, the SCJS long term  commitment to print our news in the form of our publication HaLapid has a rich history, stemming from the first publication in 1927 by the Portuguese military commander, Artur Carlos Barros-Basto.  He is a legend in the story of the Portuguese crypto-Judaic revival.

Basto knew he was a descendant. Following World War I, he returned to Judaism and committed to awakening his countrymen, building a synagogue in Porto and publishing a newsletter for the anusim, other returnees like himself. The paper was called O Facho, the Portuguese translation of the word torch in Hebrew. (HaLapid).

Today, this remarkable tradition continues and our journal is proudly collected by the Library of Congress, Princeton, Harvard and others, along with EBSCO, a worldwide resource of educational media for academic research. As editor/publisher, it's a privilege and an honor to sift through the submissions and realize we are in the crosshairs of this remarkable cultural shift. This paper will focus on a few select highlights from past issues, reinforcing how media both unites and educates those who often feel so separate.

Bio:  Corinne Brown is an award-winning journalist and multi-published author, former president of the Denver Woman's Press Club, a Fellow of the University of Colorado history department at Colorado Springs, and editor of Halapid. She was the 2nd place winner of the Latino-Literary Award in Historical Fiction and winner of the new Mexico-Arizona book award in Historical Fiction. She was also the 2019 SCJS Conference chair in Denver.

“Almighty God Hath Created The Mind Free:”

Religious Freedom, the Inquisition, and the USA

Isaac Amon

isaacamonlaw@gmail.com

Abstract: In 1791, the Bill of Rights – the first 10 Amendments – officially became part of the United States Constitution. The First Amendment enshrined liberty of conscience in America’s nascent governing framework. Yet, this astonishing moment in human affairs was the culmination of centuries of struggle for genuine religious freedom. The arrival and presence in North America of Spanish & Portuguese Jews (including conversos) had changed the course of history. The Founders of the American Republic invoked the Inquisition in their correspondence and in debates over procedural protections afforded to criminal suspects. Their famous letters to S&P synagogues assuring Jews of religious freedom may be contextualized as contrasting with the Inquisition, which was in operation into the 19th century. Leading figures in S&P synagogues on the Eastern Seaboard in New York; Newport, Rhode Island; Savannah, Georgia; and other places had directly experienced the Inquisition. In New Orleans, Isaac Monsanto was expelled from the city by the Spanish in the 1760s for being a hidden Jew whilst religious freedom was not unavailable there until the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. Experiences of the Inquisition’s persecution of conversos across time and space helped to enshrine the core principle of religious liberty in the United States.

Bio:  Dr. Isaac Amon, an attorney and counselor at law, is Director of Academic Research at Jewish Heritage Alliance, a cultural and historical nonprofit dedicated to preserving and promoting the legacy of Sefarad (Jews of the Iberian Peninsula). He obtained a J. D., LL.M in negotiation & dispute resolution and J.S.D. (PhD in Law) from Washington University School of Law in St. Louis. He was a Legal Fellow at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague and was Legislative Director at the Missouri Department of Corrections. A descendant of Sephardic Jews who fled Spain in 1492, he writes and speaks on comparative law, legal history, and criminal procedure. He has an abiding interest in identity, memory, and legacy.

The Sephardi Political Tradition and Converso Politics on the Frontiers of the Modern World

Reid Heller

reidheller@gmail.com

Abstract: This talk will survey representative 16th century Converso political efforts influenced by an amalgam of Graeco-Arabic political philosophy and Jewish tradition that I call the Sephardi Political Tradition (“SPT”).  The SPT emerged in 10th century Umayyad court circles. It achieved its apex following the Almohad mass conversions of the 1140s and innovated a form of Jewish education and political action devoted to the reconstitution of a Jewish Kingdom. The SPT did not disappear from Iberia in the 12th century. It re-emerged following the Christian Reconquista as Jewish elites took up political life again in service of Christian kingdoms.  Nor did it disappear following the trauma of 1492. It was carried abroad by Jewish exiles but also cultivated at home and in colonial Spain in crypto-Jewish circles, primarily descendants of Portuguese Jews whose families endured the forcible mass conversions of 1497. Most importantly, the SPT served as a blueprint for political action by Sephardim and Converso elites throughout the 16th century. I will address three outstanding examples of Converso political action influenced by the SPT and conclude with observations on SPT’s reception by 19th European Jews and its role in the founding of modern Israel.

Bio:  Reid Heller is an independent researcher in Jewish texts and Jewish history with a special interest in political philosophy.  He has written and taught on Southwestern Converso history and is the author of the HaLapid article and talk: “Song From a Withered Limb”.  Reid and his wife, Karen Heller, have two married daughters, Ilana Nishli, of Los Angeles, and Naomi George, of Dallas. At the time of writing, he and Karen are the grandparents of five.  (The sixth grandchild is due in late August, during the week of the SCJS meeting.) He has lived and practiced law in Dallas, Texas for more than four decades.

10:30-12:00      PANEL 7: THE WIDE WORLD: CRYPTO-JEWISH PHENOMENA IN UNEXPECTED PLACES

Chair: ________

Anusim in the Spice Islands – The Historical Origins

Rabbi David A. Kunin

rabbikunin@gmail.com

Abstract: Indonesia is a new frontier within the world of emerging Jewish Communities.  Kehilot are now found from Sumatra to Papua, with many origin traditions.  The returning Jews of Ambon and Sarum Island in the Spice Islands have a five-hundred-year-old tradition as Anusim, maintaining many Jewish customs and beliefs.  How and why did Anusim flee to such isolated islands, far from Europe?  Like Anusim in the New World, these Jews fled the Church, in the guise of the Goa Inquisition.  Coming to India from Portugal in relative safety, feeling even the freedom to practice Judaism openly, these Anusim soon came under vicious attack and fled to the very peripheries of Empire.  This paper will examine the historical sources charting the movement from Portugal to Goa, and then to smaller outposts beyond the reach of either the King or Church.

Bio:  Rabbi David Kunin has researched Crypto Judaism for more than 20 years, focusing most recently on the re-emerging communities of Indonesia.  He has been the mentoring rabbi of this dispersed community for more than 10 years and has spent more than four months visiting and working with these kehilot.  Trained as a historian, he has been an adjunct professor at SUNY Cortland and at the University of Alberta.  Currently (as of July) he is the senior rabbi at Congregation Beth David in Saratoga CA.

The Torah in the Tarot de Marseille

Stav Appel

stav.appel@gmail.com

Abstract: The Torah in the Tarot presents the lens shattering thesis that the original Tarot de Marseille, the artistic ancestor of contemporary Tarot cards, served as a tool for clandestine Jewish education during the centuries long exile of Jews from French public life.

When the oldest known version of the Tarot de Marseille – the Jean Noblet of 1650 Paris – is viewed through a Judaic lens of understanding, it is revealed to be a secret vessel for Hebrew letters, Torah stories, Judaic ritual objects and Jewish Holy Days.

The comprehensive and systematic depiction of Judaica in the Jean Noblet Tarot reveals the oldest known version of the Tarot de Marseille to be an artifact of Crypto-Judaism and an unrecognized masterpiece of cryptography and world religious art. 

The recognition of intentional Judaic imagery in the oldest known version of the Tarot de Marseille refutes the popular understanding that the numeric resonance between the Tarot’s 22 illustrated images and the 22 letters of the Hebrew Alphabet is mere coincidence, as claimed in Michael Dummett’s The Game of Tarot and Stuart Kaplan’s The Encyclopedia of Tarot.   Furthermore it suggests that the entire genre of Tarot history may be suffering from a Judaic blind spot.

Bio:  Stav Appel is a Data Scientist who manages an independent consulting firm which helps business clients find actionable insights concealed in large data sets.  He has an MBA from the Yale School of Management and a BA from SUNY Binghamton. He is the author of the short self-published work ‘The Torah in the Tarot’ and is a frequent speaker at community centers, bookstores, and Synagogues about the lost and forgotten Judaica of the Tarot de Marseille.   He maintains a popular Instagram account @torah.tarot with over 23 K followers.  More information can be found at: www.TorahTarot.com and https://www.torahtarot.com/media

The Jewish Waldensian Connection Continued

Lillian Jacumin Modak

lmodak@burke.k12.nc.us,

Abstract: There is a connection between the Sephardim and the Waldensian peoples of Northern Italy. The Waldensian Church is a pre-reformation Protestant group living in the Italian Alps on the border of France since the 12th century. Oswaldo Coisson’s book on the documented Waldensian families lists many families as refugees.  As we know, the Sephardic diaspora made refugees of exiled families. The Waldensians made a safe place for marginalized peoples persecuted by their religious beliefs.  About 43% of the Waldensian family names are also documented Sephardic names. The Waldensians called their churches temples and were known by their critics as keeping the Sabbath in “the way of the Jews” from the 12th century to the 1600s.

This paper addresses similarities and adds DNA evidence and genealogy research supporting assimilation of Sephardic Jews into the group. Y Dna testing shows 12 marker matches to persons claiming descent from the Kimhi rabbinic line to men of Waldensian descent. Waldensian family names such as Jacomin were documented in civil records of King Louis XIV as being Hebrew in origin. The Waldensians translated the Bible into common languages and spread their message throughout Europe. A presentation will reveal more insight and will inspire further research.

Bio:  Lillian Jacumin Modak is a past contributor to HaLapid Magazine. She is a high school counselor who loves to research. She is of Waldensian ancestry and began tracing Jewish roots after reading an article about the Sephardic Diaspora. She has been married to Ken Modak for 32 years and is the mother of two adult children; Marielle Modak Hoadley and Thomas Modak.

12:45-2:45        PANEL 8: THE CRYPTO-JEWISH EXPERIENCE: UP CLOSE AND PERSONAL   

Chair: _________,

Stories From My Mother's Childhood: Am I Seeing Things That Aren’t Actually There?

Ricardo Villarreal De Silva

rvillarreal10@hotmail.com

Abstract: In “Stories From My Mother’s Childhood: Am I Seeing Things That Aren’t Actually There?” the presenter recounts anecdotes from his mother’s upbringing in South Texas. The anecdotes focus on customs and traditions in the context of death, in-house and outdoor practices. The stories were collected as part of the author’s pursuit of dual citizenship with Spain and Portugal. The narrative describes the presenter’s maternal-line family practices in three general areas: death, within the home practices, and outdoor practices. Specifically, the presenter describes some common and unique rituals surrounding death in general and in the context of the death of a specific family member. In-house customs include a specific method of sweeping, the importance of Fridays and the activities performed, sharing Bible stories, and consuming particular foods during common religious events. The outdoor practice described is uniquely related to rainstorms. The presentation will include photos of the presenter’s maternal line and a handmade needlepoint that may be symbolic.

Bio:  Ricardo Villarreal De Silva received his Ph.D. from the University of Texas at Austin. He’s an associate Professor or marketing at the University of San Francisco’s School of Management. He’s an expert in multicultural marketing, where his theory of ethnicity provided great insight into understanding U.S. Hispanics’ consumer behavior. Recently, his work has focused on applying sophisticated statistical approaches to understanding media behavior, advertising, and e-retailing.

Flamenco: Flamboyant Vestiges of our Spanish Converso Past

Maria-Luisa Ornelas-June

marialuisa.june@gmail.com

Abstract: In Laredo, TX in the 1970’s, niñas de familias buenas took ballet.  But, we also took Spanish dance classes…castanuelas, zapateados, flouncy skirts, palmas...essentially flamenco. When I went to law school in San Francisco and the Californios tested my Chicano credentials, flamenco delegitimized my credentials despite thinking of myself as Mexican-American. So, like much of our converso background, I hid the flamenco part of my culture.

 In 2019, I applied for Spanish citizenship. In 2020, as I started reading about my converso ancestry, I started getting Facebook ads for online flamenco classes from Ballet Hispanico. I signed up for the class and then began reexamining why in Laredo, in the 1970s, we were doing flamenco.

After the Spanish Civil War, flamenco dancers fled Franco to Mexico City. María Luisa Marulanda took classes with them and opened a studio in Laredo, TX in the late 1940s.

The origins of flamenco mark the passage of our converso ancestors from the Middle East through the Levant to Andalusia. Marginalization of Jewish, Muslims and the Roma further mixed these cultures into flamenco. The refugees of the Spanish Civil War found a home among converso compatriots from prior centuries.

Bio:  I am an independent scholar studying Tejano culture with a focus on the converso perspective and I am writing a book that incorporates this history and culture. I attended UT Austin and got my law degree from SF College of Law (formerly known as Hastings College of the Law). I spent 20 years as a trailing spouse raising three children in The Netherlands, Singapore, and India. Although I was born and raised in Laredo, TX, I now reside in Houston. As a result of my ancestry, I received my Spanish citizenship in 2021.

Doña Gracia and Don Luis de Carvajal in my Personal Journey

Rosalinda Méndez-Carrasco

mendez.rosal@gmail.com

Abstract: My childhood and youth were spent growing up in Ysleta, Texas with summers in Chihuahua, Mexico, the land of my parents.  We were raised Roman Catholic, but with traditions that years later I came to learn were crypto-Judaic.  In the mid-1960s we moved to California, where I was thrust into the growing Civil Rights Movement, Chicano Movement, anti-Vietnam War movement and became a radical and atheist in college.  Years later, in searching to understand the roots of Mexican-American culture, I discovered that we were likely from Sephardic Jewish descent, from the Conversos, and upon being lent a copy of the life of Doña Gracia Méndes Nasi by Cecil Roth, I was deeply drawn to her and her life.  In 1966, the San Diego Opera was preparing for the world premiere of The Conquistador, an opera on the life of Don Luis de Carvajal.  I was drawn into this endeavor, and in the process of preparing a slide lecture on the life of Doña Gracia for the opera, my soul became deeply drawn toward the Torah and Judaism.

This is a presentation on the deep-seated inquietudes and unexplainable co-incidences that brought me back to what I believe are my family’s roots.

Bio:  Rosalinda Méndez-Carrasco is a Professor Emeritus of History.  Born and raised in the El Paso Texas area, she earned her Ph.D. at the University of California at Irvine.  She has created a “Mini-Museum of Mexican American History” for Hispanic Heritage Month and organized conferences on “Searching for Our Roots:  The Multi-Cultural Heritage of Mexican Americans.”

It’s hard to imagine a grander retelling of the Passover story than G.F. Handel’s OratorioIsrael in Egypt, first performed April 4 1739. Assuming that this date is given according to the Julian calendar then in use in England, the opening was about a week before Passover. The oratorio was not as popular as some of Handel’s other works, and underwent a certain amount of change; the original version started a little earlier in the story.

As it is almost always performed today, the libretto is nearly entirely passages from Exodus and from Psalms 105-106, with the first part drawing from Exodus and Psalms, focusing on the Ten Plagues, and the second part a setting of Ex. 15 1-21, the “Song of the Sea” chanted by Moses and the Israelites at the shores of the Yam Suf, usually translated “Red Sea,” and by Miriam with the Israelite women, singing and dancing.

In 1982, the Jerusalem Symphony Orchestra recorded a performance on the shore of the Red Sea. Of course, the location was not in the West of the Sinai Peninsula, close to the Nile Valley and the seat of the Pharoahs: the performance was not at the Gulf of Suez, the arm of the Red Sea leading to the Suez Canal, and not in the marshland in the north-west part of Sinai, along the Mediterranean, sometimes identified as the likely model for the Biblical Yam Suf.  Rather, it was in the Eastern part of Sinai, overlooking an island with a castle built by Saladin, called Iy ha-Almogim “Coral Island” in Hebrew, but Jazirat Far’un“Pharoah’s Island” in Arabic. 

The performance was conducted by noted Scottish conductor John Currie; singers from from the Scottish National  Chorus and the Edinburgh Festival Chorus came to sing the Oratorio; the video prepared by the Israel Broadcasting Company accompanies the overture with images of the singers arriving—and then swimming in the Red Sea near Coral Island.

The scenery is spectacular; the video pans Saladin’s castle and its island, the mountains and desert in the area, and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan across the Sea, less than six miles away. It’s possible that some of the long shots to the Southeast reach the Saudi Border, about six miles further south.  The cameras caught the ferry going back and forth to the Island, and a beduin camel caravan moving south along the shore.

And the singing is stunning as well.

There are several versions of this recording available on line. As far as I can tell, all the versions with Hebrew subtitles are about 45 minutes long—meaning that the recording was edited presumably for Israel Television—but all the versions with English titles are about an hour and a quarter or so. The Oratorio was sung in English, but the biblical verses flashed on the screen help! According to the information about the VHS recording, the actual published recording of the performance is about 90 minutes—I have not been able to peruse the VHS for this note.

I tried to find out whether the full oratorio was one that had been frequently sung in Hebrew, especially in the days of the Mandate and early State, when quite a few Biblical oratorios were translated into Hebrew and performed. (Fordhaus Ben-Tzisi was a major proponent of these Oratorios). In this case, there is very little translation to do—almost all the text is just the Biblical verses. I also looked into whether the Palestine Philharmonic (Predecessor of the Israel Philharmonic) included it in its concert program in Cairo—the PPO was able to travel to Cairo in those days and performed in Cairo and Alexandria in January 1937 shortly after its debut performance in December 1936. It was not on the program. I cannot find whether anyone mounted a  performance of the work overlooking the Red Sea, at Suez or along the Suez Canal, or anywhere else along the Red Sea. The answer was not readily available. Readers: if you happen to have any information, please do not hesitate to write me!

The full roster of soloists, producers etc. for the 1982 performance is included in http://www.worldcat.org/title/israel-in-egypt/oclc/26280289 - this is the OCLC-World-Cat record, set up in such a way that you do not need library access to read it, although you probably would need library access to order the VHS copy on ILL. The World Cat version of this note mentions the involvement of Yehuda Fikler, a leading figure in the Jerusalem Symphony and in the recordings it made for the Israel Broadcasting Authority.

Presumably the arrangements needed to bring these forces together took several years. If the negotiations started before 1979, it’s possible that at the early stages of the project no one suspected that Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat would conclude peace between Israel and Egypt in 1979, and that 1982, this would be part of the last remaining strip of land that had not yet been returned to Egyptian control—and that this area too would come under Egyptian sovereignty not long after the performance.

There are a couple of videos and audio-only readily available on the web. 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0GTBvRuIcr0  

full performance, with English title pages for texts. Length: 1:17:27 (The VHS is 90 minutes, or 1:30). 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCOROhkLWt8 

This is the Israel Broadcasting version with titles in Hebrew. It is an edited version of the concert—only 45 minutes long. This is one of many historic performances gathered on http://www.4law.co.il/shosh1.html

Hag Kasher ve-Sameah

Seth Ward

Associate Lecturer in Islam and Judaism

Religious Studies Program, University of Wyoming

http://uwyo.edu/sward

http://uwyo.edu/sward/blog

Obama’s visit to Israel

First Posted on March 23 2013.  

Obama’s visit to Israel was painted in a very low key; not much was expected other than the usual photo ops and a chance to get to know the players better. But Obama’s speech to young Israelis and his brokering of Netanyahu’s outreach to Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey are undoubtedly very significant.

David Horowitz thought Obama sounded like a typical Israeli left winger; Rabbi Michael Lerner (Tikkun) thought he was not strong enough on the topic of planning for Palestinian State. I’m not sure I read anything by Barry Rubin yet, but I suspect he would continue to consider Obama to be naïve. My own feeling is that Obama did what he had to do in the speech—Obama is good at that! Obama stressed Israel’s achievement and security, which will be welcomed by Israelis, and his remarks about the Palestinian State heartily agreed to as a matter of policy and theory by almost everyone (large majorities believe there ought to be a Palestinian State in theory). The Arab side may be correct in saying that the Israelis are not open enough to what is needed to be done, and that the Israeli attempt to meet “without preconditions” means that they are reneging on agreements reached since 2000 or even since Oslo. Whether or not they read this correctly, as long as they also try to go back even earlier–to rectify 1967 and 1948—I think Obama’s rhetoric will not have the desired effect.

Yet, it was an important opening. At the very least, perhaps Obama’s speech will lessen the way antagonisms play out in the region, and reduce insensitive and bullying behavours. To quote a wise friend, “Gratuitous arrogance is an unnecessary provocation.”

Obama will likely get more points in my book for making sholem “nice,” “peace,” between Netanyahu and Erdogan. I am not sure I trust Erdogan to be a “great friend” of Israel, but these days, both countries have much to gain from restoring better relations! We should watch though to see how it is perceived by the Turks and by the Arabs. Netanyahu seems to have been reasonably careful to reflect on Israeli oversight of the operations that justified his call. Moreover, Erdogan clarified a recent statement he made about Zionism that toned down what appeared to be anti-Semitism. Yet Erdogan can easily compromise the historic value of this gesture if he stresses this as a great moral victory over the Israelis, rather than emphasizing, in proper diplomatic terms, something along the lines of the common interests of Turkey and Israel, Israel’s friendship for the Turkish people, and Israeli readiness to do its share. Israel should not have to remind Turkey too loudly that ultimately the deaths on the Mavi Marmara resulted from a potentially dangerous provocation supported by Turkey.

Nevertheless, Obama would do well to remind the world that he also consulted with Jordan, and pledged support to them for the needs of Syrian refugees. And to remind everyone that making Israel-Palestine the central problem of the region—or of the world—may be disingenuous in the extreme, compromising much needed examination of the causes and remedies of violence and uprisings, illiteracy, unemployment, gender inequality, and the many other problems plaguing the region. All these have no direct connection to Israel except to the extent that diverting resources from them to Israel makes them worse. We shall all be wary of anyone who–misguidedly in my opinion—believes that solving Israel/Palestine will be a magic solution to all the other issues.

Seth Ward

drsethward says:

March 24, 2013 at 11:32 pm

I like blogging in part because I can update, or add a new post, or, as in this case, leave a comment on my own post to update my thoughts.

It would have been easy enough to add “ineffective” or “unwilling to project American power” to what I expected Barry Rubin to write about. After I posted this, I saw Rubin’s Jerusalem Post column, written before the visit, and Rubin’s responses to the speech in Jerusalem and the visit in general. Rubin thinks Obama would have been a disaster for Israel except that he has come to realize that the opening to the Iranians and to the Arab world has not been met with open arms, and that US’ interests can be compromised by extremists coming to power. Obama said as much in Jordan of course. Rubin also pointed to longstanding American interests in Israel, the makeup of the US Congress and other such things as impacting on Obama.

The trip was immediately followed by sending Sec. of State Kerry to Baghdad, and to have conversations in Israel, West Bank and Jordan.

I do not think there is much reason to believe that Obama’s 2nd term involvement with Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran and the rest of the Middle East will be a resounding success. Moreover, it seems to me that it’s misguided indeed to even daydream that that the emergence of “two states” between the Jordan and the Mediterranean will be a “solution” to all the area’s problems, or even to the problems of Israelis and Palestinian Arabs.

Seth Ward

Coffeecups on Posthaven

I'm happy to have signed up for a trial of Posthaven. 

It's designed by some of the team that designed Posterous, and appears to have many of the best features of Posterous. And it is not disappearing in April. And the designers appear responsive indeed to those who have singed up for this service. 

All the Posterous posts are here, as well as on drsethward.Wordpress.com and in some cases, a few other locations.

Let me know about what *you* like in any of these platforms. 

Unfortunately, Posterous is shutting down at the end of April. I have copied all my Posterous posts to http://drsethward.wordpress.com. I have reserved some other spaces, and ultimately will probably also copy much of the material to various places within http://uwyo.edu/sward. I am not sure whether Wordpress or UWYO or anything else will be the long term solution. The copying process copied a few posts that I had already copied “manually” in order to familiarize myself with the system. In some cases, the more recent version also has updates and corrections. Some of the Wordpress posts refer to files that Posterous had “housed in the cloud,” that may not survive the end of Posterous, and some of the posts have been or will be modified to address that issue—and sometimes updated in the process.

Thanks for your interest in my writings.

Seth Ward

The Singing Seder Table

I “grew up” with the Orchestra Song in Hebrew perhaps even more than in English, and of course heard and sang a version of this song for Passover: The Singing Seder Table.  

The only recording of The Singing Seder Table on the internet of which I am aware is the original release, Stanley Sperber conducting the Massad Choral Group. To hear the recording, go to this site, http://faujsa.fau.edu/children/children_music.php?jsa_num=400942&queryWhe.... Scroll down on the radio on the right side of Menorah’s Little Seder. If you are unfamiliar with this recording, consider listening to the whole record!

The recording is from the 60s. Stanley Sperber (founder of Zamir Chorale) is conducting. The words are on the album cover, which you can also view on the FAU website. The words are by Sperber, Tzippy Krieger (now Tzippy Krieger Cedar, mother of Yossi Cedar) and Ira Gronowitz.  Sperber was founder of the Zamir Chorale in New York and active in the Israeli musical scene from the 1970s.

(Gladys Gewirtz, who shared responsibility for this record, taught at Camp Ramah and at JTS, published a number of children’s records, moved to Israel, worked for Kol Yisrael and established the music service at Hebrew Music College in Jerusalem. She died less than a year ago, April 14, 2012).

The original is usually called the “Orchestra Song,” popular in Hebrew and discussed in Zemereshet at http://www.zemereshet.co.il/song.asp?id=1566. According to Zemereshet, the Hebrew words are by Shmuel Bass, and it appeared in “50 Canons for Singing and Playing” (hamishim qanonim le-shira ule-neginah) by Puah Greenspoon and Max Lempel. Renanim, pp 22-23. The original was written in German by Willy Geisler (1886-1952); Zemereshet gives the German words, and notes on the Composer’s page for Geisler, that he was a Nazi and composed marches for the SS; he was also an arranger and composer of songs, operettas, and music for schools. On the website http://www.deutscheslied.com/en/search.cgi?cmd=composers&name=Geisler%2C+... there are a number of listed versions of the Orchestra song; the line which gives a date in the columns Melody/Year and Text/Year dates it to 1927 and calls it Die geige, sie singet (unser kleines orchester).

There are many versions of the Orchestra Song on the web in English. Here is a Hollywood version: .

Seth Ward

Today I received a question about Jewish Divorce:

“This came up in my class and I was hoping you knew the answer. I know that a woman cannot get a get if the husband says no. But what about the reverse situation, i.e., if the woman opposes the get? Can the husband still get it?”

The following is adapted from my answer:

If this is a practical question, the simple answer is "Ask your local Rabbi." There are a lot of details that could have an impact on the situation.

For the theoretical side: Note that originally, a man could divorce his wife without her consent, but the Rabbis enacted legislation that prevented a man from divorcing his wife without her consent: she must accept the Get (Jewish divorce document) for it to take effect. The ramifications for a husband whose wife refuses the divorce are—as you can imagine—nowhere near the same as those for a wife whose husband refuses to divorce her.

A wife who refused to accept a Get cannot remarry, according to Jewish law. A wife might refuse to accept a Get in hopes of reconciliation, although it seems to me that in most cases, by the time a proper Get is executed, this is unrealistic. (Indeed, even though some couples remarry after divorcing with a Get, presumably the Get would only be executed after the Rabbinic Court overseeing the process concluded reconciliation was unlikely at the time). Once it is clear that the marriage is over, I'm not sure what responsibilities are owed to the wife by the husband who offers a Get that she refuses to accept (more on this below, from a case in Israel).

For the husband, if the marriage is clearly over, some Rabbis might approve what might be called a "technical exemption from monogamy,” i.e., special permission (heter) allowing remarriage for the husband whose wife does not accept the Get but whose marriage is clearly over. Similarly, if the wife has disappeared and that's why she cannot accept the divorce, the technical exemption from monogamy would also permit his remarriage.

No such solution is so readily available to the wife whose husband refuses to issue the Get: she is an aguna (literally: "chained woman") and cannot remarry. Generally these situations are resolved, but the process is individual, long, and often painful.  And, I should note, although the situation is rarer, it can be as individualized, long and painful for the agun (“chained man”) as for the aguna.

There are different Rabbis with different approaches to this issue. My guess is that as a practical matter, almost all would recommend the woman accept the divorce if the marriage is definitely over. In practice, what Rabbis would counsel the man whose wife refused, or the woman who was adamant about not accepting the Get, would depend on the specifics of the situation.

The Israeli newspaper Haaretz carried a story about such a case; dateline July 26 2011. http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/jerusalem-rabbinical-court-wants-woman-jailed-for-refusing-to-accept-divorce-1.375294. A Hebrew version of this story is at http://www.get.what2do.co.il/%D7%A1%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%A0%D7%99%D7%AA-%D7%92%D7%98-%D7%9E%D7%90%D7%A1%D7%A8/

In this case, the Rabbinic Court approved the divorce in 1996, and ordered the wife to accept it, but she has steadfastly refused.  Eventually the Rabbinic court was willing to let the man remarry, but the Israeli Interior Ministry would not change the husband’s status, so he was prevented from remarrying not by religious law so much as by Israeli civil law's recognition of religious marriage and divorce. The husband appealed the Interior Ministry’s ruling. The woman apparently refused to accept the divorce because she claimed her settlement was unfair, and she was holding out for property and substantial cash (The husband and the court argued that she had been given a fair settlement).  Note also that as a married woman, she would retain various rights with respect to pension funds, inheritance, taxes, health insurance and National Insurance (Israel’s Social Security).  The Rabbinic Court ordered her to be jailed. According to the report in Hebrew, while the refusal of the husband to issue a Get is much more common, there were “not a few” cases in which the wife refused to accept a Get—yet no woman had ever been jailed before for refusing to accept a Get. 

I was unable to find out what happened in this case following the date of these reports.

In another case, from October 2011, a woman was fined NIS 400,000 for refusing to accept a Get from her husband. Apparently this was within the Haredi community, and the judge took note of the special difficulty divorce—and refusal to accept divorce—had in the Haredi world, even for men.

http://www.smartdivorce.co.il/index.php/tag/%D7%A1%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%A0%D7%95%D7%AA-%D7%92%D7%98/

Rabbi Jonathan Reiss of the Beth Din of America (Orthodox) mentions women who do not want to work with the Rabbinic Court (Beit Din) in http://www.jlaw.com/Articles/divorcebeit.html. His wording seems to suggest that he is not referring to wives refusing to accept a Get, but primarily referring to women who accept their Get but do not work with the Beit Din for any other purpose, feeling that the Jewish Religious Court will be biased against the woman regarding any division of property or other marital settlements.

At the end, he invites questions, and, in his role with the Beth Din, he may be the person with the best experience to give further practical discussion of this issue as it relates to contemporary American Orthodox practice.  (As for the other main movements within American Judaism, this is much less of a problem for Reform Judaism; some strategies have been tried in Conservative Judaism to avoid this problem but in general, Conservative rabbis require a get to be issued and accepted in the case of divorce).

Seth Ward

Seth Ward’s University of Wyoming Israel Election Survey: Final Wrap up

This is an addendum to my previous report, posted at http://sethward.posterous.com/174853880 and http://www.uwyo.edu/sward/university%20of%20wyoming%20israel%20election%20sur...

Now that the coalition results appear to be final and the new Government of Israel is scheduled for swearing in on Monday, it’s time for one final assessment of the Survey.

One of the goals of the Survey was to create a set of data that allowed for indexing to determine which returns included the most accurate predictions. This exercise is necessarily arbitrary, and in order to create a “score,” several of the responses were scored.  

The question about the incoming Prime Minister was scored at 5—perhaps it is the most important of all the questions but it also was the least in doubt. Other scored responses were graded on a basis of 10. Respondents were asked to predict the party lists with the largest mandates; 2 points were given for each (in other words, a respondent mentioning the five largest mandates received 10 points). Respondents were asked how many mandates would accrue to largest party list. Interestingly, the average response was pretty close to 31, but only one respondent guessed the correct answer. Responses from 27 to 35 got partial credit of 6 to 9 points (one point off for each mandate difference); no credit was given for more than 5 mandates off.

With respect to forming the government coalition: respondents were asked about which party lists would be represented in the government; two points were given for each correct answer; 2 additional points were given to one respondent who listed only the four party lists that are in fact included in the coalition. Two others had all four but mentioned an additional party that was not part of the coalition; they earned 8 points. Respondents were asked how many days they thought it would take to form the next Government; most respondents thought this process would be a lot faster than it in fact was! Only two responses earned points, for guesses 41 days or longer from January 22. Interestingly, the few respondents who projected a protracted coalition process were not otherwise very accurate in their projections; despite earning points where no one else did, none of them were in the “top performers” or even above the average.

The average projection for the size of the coalition was fairly accurate. But, as noted in my preliminary report, there were quite a few who thought the coalition would be narrower than it in fact is, and these numbers were “balanced” by some rather unlikely projections for super-large coalitions. Fewer than half the actual responses were anywhere close to the actual coalition size. Again, 10 points were given for 68, 9 for 67 or 69, etc., with no points for 5 or more mandates off.

No question was asked about the total number of ministers and deputy ministers in the government. This is unfortunate, given that deliberations about the size of the government seemed to be more important in recent days than deliberations about the number of Knesset mandates represented. The coalition agreement includes legislation limiting the number of ministers and deputy ministers in the future; only time will tell whether this will actually come to pass.

The “average score” for respondents was 21. Five achieved scores of 30 or more: an Israeli-born fundraiser; a professor trained in the UK who is both a British and an Israeli citizen but did not vote in this election; a self-employed Canadian; a retired lawyer; and a Harvard undergrad.  The UK Professor had the high score—36. But I am not sure that the results would be the same if I had scored the open-ended questions. The respondents who scored 30 or more points discussed right-wing concerns, security, and Haredim getting their way, and in general had little to say about domestic issues and governance concerns. They did not predict that the Haredim would be excluded from the government.  And perhaps it is significant that the choices made by those who turned out to be most accurate in their projections, at least in the way that I scored them, made quite different choices for their own “voting preferences.”

This survey was in no way scientific; the sample was not particularly large, and survey was circulated without any regard for a representative population except to the extent that comments I received from people who told me they were familiar with the project suggest (unsurprisingly) that respondents were very likely to be persons with personal and/or professional interests in Israel.  The actual results were a little closer to respondent preferences than predictions in terms of balancing the right with the center (although voting for Kadima, Labor and Tzippi Livni rather than Yesh Atid), and in terms of not voting for Haredim. Perhaps the gap between the projection for the time needed to form a coalition should spark one more tweak to the process (in addition to the limitation of ministers, mentioned above, and an agreement to raise the threshold for entering the Knesset to 4%)—a shortening of the period given the Prime Minister designate to form a government. 

The greatest significance of the survey probably lies in its role as a teaching tool; some researchers may find the open-ended responses to be a fascinating cross-section of views—and perhaps a humbling one, in that some of the results were, in the aggregate, reasonably close to what transpired even though the reasoning offered by respondents was not at all in line with the results.

Many thanks to all who participated in this survey!

Seth Ward

Unfortunately, Posterous is closing Posterous Spaces at the end of April. I will be migrating everything somewhere, possibly to multiple places. The best place to check is http://uwyo.edu/sward 

Paper on Holocaust Education in Wyoming with powerpoint

http://uwyo.edu/sward/HOLO.Paper.Like No Place on Earth.doc

http://uwyo.edu/sward/Holocaust-Wyoming.pps

This is an analysis of the University of Wyoming Israel Election Survey conducted December 2012-January 2013, regarding the 2013 elections for Israel’s Parliament, the Knesset.

The Israeli voter votes for a single slate of candidates for the Knesset (often called a “party list”) from among multiple slates proposed by various parties. Mandates for Knesset seats are distributed to these slates based on the proportion of the total vote; an introduction to the system and links for further information and essays were included material made available to those who took the survey, found in http://www.uwyo.edu/sward/israeli.elections.htm.

Thanks to everyone who took the survey. A preliminary report was published the day before the elections. This update takes into account a few surveys that came in after that time, with analysis. The complete results are given in the Appendix, with a few additional explanatory comments.   

Size of the survey and a few other introductory parameters.

There were 73 returns, and some of these were incomplete. This was not a scientific survey, so the results may be instructive or suggestive, but not conclusive.

The survey was constructed using the University of Wyoming Survey Tool. It remained open past the date at which analysis was begun for technical reasons. Minor divergence may result because some analyses were done before the receipt of the final response, or due to minor differences in the way the Survey program handled data and results from analysis in Microsoft Excel. Sometimes these differences are due to the different ways of handling skipped questions, irrelevant or incomplete responses, or certain types of survey questions, including questions for which respondents could choose from a list but also write in a different choice.

The participants were largely from North America, but there were participants from Germany, UK, Israel and China, and US participants who had completed high school in Turkey or in Africa. Not surprisingly, a large percentage of respondents appear to be connected with Colorado and Wyoming (usually indicated by high school or university affiliation). As noted below, only one reported having completed high school in Israel. Part of the significance of this endeavor is the non-Israeli response. In the summer and fall 2012, electoral preferences of non-US voters around the world were reported for the US presidential elections (along endless surveys of those likely to vote).  But there were relatively few surveys of persons unlikely to vote in the Israeli election process.

This survey was designed primarily as a teaching tool, and perhaps the best justification for it came not from the formal results but from comments received informally, explaining that it helped understand the process or some of the issues. Some of the questions were shaped in such a way as to make it easier to “score” the results to determine the degree to which predictions about Knesset and Government match the actual results.  

My Prediction based on the survey

It was possible to make an arbitrary prediction the day before the election based on survey results,  compiled not “scientifically” but “mathematically:” indices were assigned to various results, some of the lowest results dropped, the remaining ones added, divided and combined until reaching a result that could result in 120 members of Knesset. This approach took into account the predictions as well as the preferences of our survey respondents, but was independent of other surveys. Here is the list circulated in advance of the election—and the actual results.

How this was done: 

Some scores were eliminated: parties not receiving more than 10% in the individual vote, or more than 15% in the “vote for three parties” were excluded from the individual vote results; parties that received less than 15% in vote for three were excluded from the three party vote results. Similar limitations were imposed on the other categories.

% Individual party vote times 3

+ % vote for three parties result

+ Number predicting five largest parties

+ ½ % the vote for PM, assigned to the PM’s party

+ 1/3 % believing parties will be in the coalition.

Results divided by 6 and rounded to produce 120. (more than 0.33 rounded up, otherwise rounded down).

Actual “Votes” by preference (percentages)

Respondents were asked to vote for one list only, and in a separate question, asked to consider which lists they would vote for if they could chose three lists. In this chart, the total responses by percentage for this question are divided by three.

A few respondents voted for “none of the above” in the “vote for one” question. Fewer responded to the question about voting for three parties, but almost all in fact voted for three parties; when actual percent voting was factored in (96%, 296%), there are minor changes in the result. For example, Likud-Beitenu would receive 17% of votes actually cast.

The top seven parties on the list should come as no surprise. There was a lot of support for Meretz in this survey. Tzippi Livni and Kadima fared much better than in the actual Israeli electorate. Survey respondents were less attracted to Likud, Ha-Bayit Hayehudi and the religious parties than the Israeli electorate.

It may however be something of a surprise that Likud, HaBayit Hayehudi and Tzippi Livni all fared much better in “vote for one list” than in the question which asked respondents to consider which lists they would vote for if they could chose three lists. Striking examples of the reverse were Labor, Hadash, Kadima and Am Shalem. In other words: The Labor party did better as a “second choice” than as a first choice, beating Likud-Yisrael Beitenu. For Likud-Beitenu, Ha-Bayit Ha-Yehudi, Tzippi Livni, and Meretz, apparently those who did not vote for them as their “sole” vote would not generally consider them as a “second choice” if they could vote for three parties.

Prime Minister:

Israelis voted directly for Prime Minister only in three elections, but the survey had a question about voting for the Prime Minister. Netanyahu collected 31% of the vote of this group.  If the center/left parties united, they would have won, with almost half (about 47%) of the vote. Add votes for Avigdor Lieberman and Aryeh Elad, and at 35% the right wing is still far behind.

What coalition will emerge? How long will it take?

According to the results, over half the respondents predicted Likud-Yisrael Beteynu, and Shas would be in the coalition. 41% predicted HaBayit Hayehudi, About a third each predicted United Torah Judaism, Kadima, Ha-Tenuah-Tzippi Livni, and Labor would be coalition partners. Fewer than a quarter predicted Yesh Atid will be part of the government.

In the narrative response, the overwhelming sentiment was that the next government will favor security issues, right wing / nationalist and similar concerns. Most assumed that at least one Haredi party would be included. A few assumed that a centrist or left wing party would be included; one respondent said “as a fig leaf.” Only one respondent suggested that Yair Lapid would certainly take part in the next government.

The average prediction was that the coalition would include about 70 mandates. In the preliminary report Labor or Yesh Atid were suggested in order to round out 69 mandates. 

The average prediction was that the coalition would be accepted by the Knesset 25 days after the election, which I am “rounding out” to Sunday, February 17.

Notable results

a.      Netanyahu was widely expected to win of course: when respondents projected who they thought would be the next PM, they overwhelmingly selected Netanyahu.

b.      But in this survey, the single-party vote and especially the three-party vote did not particularly favor Netanyahu. In general, this survey was further to the left than the actual Israeli vote—and the religious parties were not well represented.

c.      Am Shalem did better in this survey than in the election; perhaps reflecting Haim Amsalem’s outreach to English speakers.

d.      There was little response in this survey from the Arab sector—probably an inevitable result of the distribution of this survey.

e.      Respondents were more realistic about who will actually be the largest parties: few thought Meretz would number among them.  Likud, Shas and Labor (!) got the most predictions. About half as many thought Tzippi Livni, Habayit Hayehudi and Kadima would get the next number of votes (in that order).

f.       The left/center leaning is not particularly surprising, although the strong showing of Labor is. Labor seems to be a solid “second or third choice.” If electors could vote for three parties, Labor polled just a little more than Likud and more than Meretz, both of which polled higher than Labor in the traditional “single party” vote.

g.      Another surprise, to me, is that Am Shalem polled identical numbers to Kadima in the “vote for three parties” question.  Am Shalem played no significant role in predictions for largest parties or coalition partners, but this could mean it is a party worth watching. (More likely though, given the fact that it did not gain enough votes to enter the Knesset, it could be the end of Rabbi Amsalem’s Knesset career).  In the actual results, Am Shalem’s results were not far from Kadima’s either, although of course Kadima had more than 2% of the votes and Am Shalem did not.

What issues are most important?

Social issues topped security in the list of responses, with State of Palestine and economic issues coming not far behind. Religious Divisions were next. All these were noted by over a quarter of respondents. Fewer noted Iran or education. Although “social issues” topped this list, only 17% noted Israeli Arabs and only 5% noted Haredim.  

My survey did not include “Peace” as one of the named issues—but this was the most frequently mentioned word in the “other” responses.  

Many respondents reflected on their votes—in some cases at great length. Their views are are reproduced at the beginning of the appendix.  Respondent comments make it clear that leadership, personal views about various leaders, personal political placement (left/center, right), security, relations with the Palestinians, and social and religious divisions inside Israel are important considerations. The considerations which loomed large in the narrative descriptions were not necessarily those in choices from the list; in particular, economic and social issues were much less frequently mentioned explicitly in the narratives.  Despite great concern over Iran, it was not particularly high in the choices (20%), and played even less of a role in the narrative descriptions given by respondents.

Respondents

Few respondents reported growing up in Israel or being citizens. A few mentioned they were eligible to vote but would not be voting. Most respondents completed high school in the USA. One was born in another Middle Eastern country, and several completed high school in UK and Germany. South America, Africa and China were also represented.

About one third each were students, teachers (including professors, researchers, university faculty and others); or other (a rabbi, lawyers, professionals, etc.).

Significance

The study was hardly scientific. This survey provided respondents with a venue in which to express their political opinions—much as was provided in late summer and fall 2012 around the world with the proliferation of polling about the American Presidential campaign. I believe that asking both about preference and prediction, and inclusion of a question about voting for three parties, countered at least to a certain extent the bias inherent in some such surveys, in which people do not always articulate the breadth of their views, or “pick winners” rather than vote conscience—although there is no way to confirm this conclusion at this time. Most important, the many students who took this survey got a glimpse of the complexity of the process. Responses by and large showed choices were made carefully – many took the time to lay out articulate statements about their choices.

Yesh Atid was probably unfamiliar to the largely non-Israeli respondents; both Tzippi Livni and Kadima were familiar “brands” that did better among this group than in the Israeli electorate. This is a left-leaning crowd, as seen by support for Meretz and lack of support for Netanyahu.

Israeli election results included a tremendous showing for Yesh Atid—not at all mirrored in this survey, or in most Israeli surveys either. Otherwise, though, except for Meretz and other understandable differences, the results of this survey were not as far off from the Israeli electorate as I thought (or most people would have thought) when I processed them the day before the election. At least among those who responded to this survey, there was great awareness of Israeli politics, and enthusiasm about expressing opinions about parties, candidates and issues.

Seth Ward

Appendix: Why they voted as they did: selections from respondent comments

(the rest of the survey questions and responses are below).

Leadership

I'd like to see Israel have new leadership who are concerned with the welfare of all of its people and not just the powerful.

Strong leadership that understands Israel's right to exist is not up for discussion.

experienced leadership, strong security policy, & focus on economy.

Israel has need for strong leadership, committed to a non-apologetic stance on her right to exist.

A good leader must be a wise leader.

How to find a suitable big fish in such a tiny pot?

Left/Center Values

Progressive left-liberal values.

left orientation.

Centrist.

I'm a leftist in Israeli terms :-)

progressive centrist.

Only the left has a vision for justice and democracy in Eretz Israel.

Center-left views.

left wing votes.

Right

I want a stronger, far right Israel.

Jewish /Zionist Identity

I want to keep Israel alive and Jewish

I want most of all for Israel to be as secure as possible and I want it to remain a safe place for Jews to live.

A progressive, yet Zionist Israel that is prosperous, secure, and at peace with its neighbors

Tzippi Livni

Selected Tzipi Livni 'cause she is level headed and pragramatic.

Ideologically, I'd vote for Hatnua, but I don't trust Livni.  I indicate support for Am Shalem because the issues raised -- re; the secular-dati divide -- are key to peace, security, and prosperity.

I trust Tzipi Livni.  I hope that religious issues can be set aside from politics and real progress can be made.

Yachimovich

Yachimovich has a history of anti-war and two-state politics, and her background in journalism gives her a perspective on subaltern groups in Israel and Palestine that most of the current Knesset seems to love ignoring.

Labor party pays more attention on peace process

Yesh Atid and others (including Hadash!)

At first look my selections may not make the most sense, but they all relate to the biggest problems facing Israel. Before Israel can effectively discuss a peace process, largely and accurately regarded as the most significant issue at stake in the country's future, it must resolve its own demographic, economic, and societal issues. The party with the best approach and the greatest recognition of these issues is Yair Lapid's Yesh Atid, explaining my selection of this new party. Yesh Atid is also composed largely of those new to politics, something necessary to break through Israel's deep political divisions and redirect the focus of government. As with most political systems, the best solutions involve moderation and compromise. Hatnua was founded based on this concept of moderation, and stands the best chance of effectively approaching many issues in Israel and displays, out of the largest parties, the most willingness to compromise with various groups within Israel following the collapse of Kadima as an effective party. After resolving Israel's current demographic and economic issues, lies the behemoth of the Arab-Israeli political process. While I support a two state solution, Israel must also recognize that it isn't just a nation of the Jewish people anymore. To not do so would blatantly ignore current demographic trends and endanger Israel's future. For that reason, I also support Hadash as a party working to bridge the divide between Jews and Arabs within Israel, and as a party that recognizes that Israel, while meant to be Jewish in its founding, is not Jewish in reality, and never fully will be.

Justice, Fairness, Civil rights, Social Divisions

The State of Israel must continue to pursue the path of equality of opportunity, civil rights and liberties, fairness, justice and security.

I think that those topics are the most important topics for a western democracy.

Support individual freedom, pro Israeli Arabs, and settlers

I vote for parties that support social justice and peace

Israel must work on its societal values and ongoing rifts between  tribal  communities.

Note: the party list did not include all the ones I was looking for. Israel needs a realist willing to stake out controversial, right-leaning on peace, independent economical, and co-optive haredi social  positions in order to maximize ability to reach a balanced compromise.

I based my selections on what I see as Israel's biggest problem: division - both internal and external. The secular and haredi division (putting it very simplistically) and, of course, the Conflict. I think it falls to Israel to devise a two-state solution without negotiations, outline it, and present it to the UN for vote. It would force Fatah and Hamas to state their real intention (destroy Israel) for all the world to see or accept the state. Then, if violence continues, open war can be declared between nation-states. I don't think that would be great, but it would shut down a lot of some of the criticism because it would give the Palestinians what they ostensibly want while placing Israel on par, nation to nation, allowing for more leeway in military operations. The parties I selected and people I selected I think are best positioned to accomplish that task. Also, a similar division is appearing in Israeli society. A conversation must develop regarding what to do with a growing haredi population and the resentment and frustrations of the secular population.

Israel is in crisis because of religious divisions. Peace with its neighbors, or some sort of working relationship is crucial to advance within and without.

I believe that since Israel has been quite stable (economically) over the past few years, the focus should be on minority rights (both ethnic and religious) and foreign policy, including an open debate about a Palestinian State.

Security, Islam, Peace

Islam and Muslims are the biggest threat to the state of Israel

The security of Israel is of the utmost importance if Israel is to remain a country.

Pirates because I like pirates, security because Israel does not have kind neighbors. [This comment is more telling than it seems at first glance; the respondent was a young student who took some questions seriously—and “goofed off” on the others. Given the flippancy of many of the other answers of this respondent, the reference to Israel’s neighbors reflects a concern serious enough to overcome the comic or non-serious answers.] 

I would want the prime minister and the party in power to be moving toward a solution with the Palestinian territories as their top priority

I favor a two-state solution, if possible (given Arabs' virulent hatred of Jews).  I favor a democratic Jewish state in secure borders, with religious freedom and equal treatment of all Jews, including sharing of burdens and work.

I am primarily concerned with bringing about a two-state solution, whereby there would be a Palestinian State alongside Israel, which would be a Jewish State but with full equality for its Arab citizens.  Secondarily, I would strongly support weakening the Orthodox stranglehold on Israeli religious and personal life so that non-Orthodox rabbis, communities and individuals would enjoy equal rights as well.  It would be wonderful if there were a center-left coalition government with Livni as PM (although I realize that is highly unlikely.)

PM Netanyahu = continuity of service and clarity of position on issues, tho' stop the settlements where unjustified. Hatikva = hope for security and prosperity. Proper leadership ensures security, addresses economic issues, and should be able to galvanize itself against Iranian aggression

Survey questions and responses as of January 31 2013

The survey was left open until today for technical reasons. Some of the analyses in this report were done shortly before the closing of the survey, with only very minor changes to the numbers returned. The results below were examined on January 31, 2013

1.      Vote for ONE party list for the 19th Knesset. The list names are displayed in random order.        

(

The list names were displayed to respondents in random order; here they are displayed from largest to smallest vote, as is the case with most of the following tabulations).                                                                                   

1.      Whom would you vote for?               

The 11 “other” votes were: 2 for Zahava Gal-On (and another vote for Meretz, as noted) and 1 each for the other parties represented.

2.      Voting for more than one party list invalidates a ballot, but suppose you *could* vote for three parties for the 19th Knesset. Which would they be? (Select the party list you voted for above if you'd include it among the three). The list names are displayed in random order.    

Note: Average is based on maximum of 300%, that is, three parties mentioned. Percentages add up to 296%

3.      Which types of concerns are most important to you in your vote for Knesset and Prime Minister? The list displays in random order.                 

Only four responses to “other” in this question. Significantly, the Survey did not include “peace” as a choice, but two (4% of total) chose it as “other.”

Peace process leading to a two state peace agreement

Peace

Arabs

Women's religious rights and freedoms

4.      In your own words, please explain your choices above (for party lists, Prime Minister, issues).   

(results given above).

5.      Now we turn to results, without necessarily referring to your own vote. Which five parties do you think will have the largest delegations in the new Knesset? List names are displayed in random order.     

The actual five largest lists in the Knesset are: Likud-Yisrael Beitenu, Yesh Atid, Israel Labor Party, Habayit Hayehudi, and Shas.

6.      How large do you think the largest delegation will be?         

Response Average                           32.8

Note: The accuracy of this prediction is gratifying but perhaps misleading, as it includes several responses of 00 and one 99. With these removed, the average is 35.6. Here are the other responses:

7.      Next Prime Minister?      

The responses for “Other” were “?” and a period of time rather than a candidate name.

8.      How many days will elapse from January 22 until the Knesset confirms a Prime Minister, Ministers, and governing coalition? (Choosing '0' or '50' means you think a new   government will not be confirmed by the 49th day after January 22, 2013).     

Response Average  22.63

The Survey Tool gives 22.63 as Response Average. But, eliminating responses of “0,” the average is 23.8. One respondent entered “5;” strictly speaking, this is impossible in practice as the election results have to be certified before the President can ask someone to attempt to form a government. Election results are generally certified a week following the elections.

9.      How large do you think the coalition will be? Enter a number of Knesset Mandates from 61 (the minimum) to 120 (a unity government encompassing the entire Knesset).

The survey returned 69.76 as the average.

11. Select up to FIVE parties you believe will be in the government coalition. The list names are displayed in random order.  

12. In your own words, what groups will be part of the Government, and what do you think will be the most important considerations for forming it?          

Likud-Beiteinu will head a coalition created by recruiting Haredi parties. L-B's sole consideration will be creating a coalition, the Haredi parties will be focused on maintaining ultra-Orthodox hegemony.

Right-wing nationalist and Orthodox religious parties.

centrist zionist parties, power for religious parties to support yeshivot etc., social issues

It will be a lot like the current government, meaning a right wing government

Right, Left, Religious and Secular groups in order to promote a unity government.

Centrality

I thing that right wing groups will be part of the new government.

It will be a primarily rightist government with one centre-left party for balance, which will receive one or two most senior Government posts in return.

nationalist parties 

Stability should be considered for the coalition

The fact that there are not Arabs...

Right-winged, religious

Strong nationalism will win out

Largely a right-wing coalition with Yesh Atid as a fig-leaf for national unity.

Right, Religious, Moderates

The coalition needs to represent the diverse views of Israel's population.

I think security and religious issues will dominate, including the issue of settlements, so I think those groups who can fundamentally agree on at least two of those issues will form the Government.

The center left will prefer opposition to maintain its legitimacy, so a far right government will form.

A) the ones with the biggest war chest B) political self-interest

power mongering

I think that there will be a significant leftist presence in the government, but I think with growing fears of Iran, Egypt, and a Palestinian uprising, the more conservative parties will dominate.

I believe the 5 largest Jewish parties in Israel will comprise the governing coalition, on the basis of core ideology, with right-leaning parties having the edge in numbers and electoral representation

Current worries over Iran, Gaza and the Arab Spring have put security at the top of Israel's list of concerns. Thus, hardline parties, like that of Likud Yisrael Beitenu and the Jewish Home (Habayit Hayehudi), will likely have the most success. However, with these new fears and a general shift to the right in Israel, a rejection reaction will occur, and largely already has when looking at the recent protests over housing, social issues and the military draft of haredim. As a result, a coalition of moderate parties will form to challenge the ruling right wing coalition, forcing extreme right wing parties like Otzma Leyisrael to accept a compromise and join the ruling coalition. The most important considerations will involve security (Iran, Hamas, the Arab Spring) concessions to Palestine, or lack thereof, and the economic issues plaguing certain sectors of the Israeli population.

Keep Israel safe against all threats from the Muslim world

Likud because relations with other countries in the Middle East

Security. The Haredim will secure their privileges. Settlements will continue to grow and proliferate.

Likud will probably remain.

The most important considerations, unfortunately, seem to be the almost apartheid agenda held by the right wing of government. The most important considerations will be expansion, until power changes hands in a big way.

The large parties will remain part of the coalition. Voting results will show a more polarized and right-wing government.

I think that Likud and the religious parties are likely to control the government, in alliance with either more right-wing parties or else Labor. The main consideration will be whose votes can Netanyahu count on and what concessions need to be made by Likud.

Groups who've prevailed in the past when security was top issue: Labor, Likud. Resurgence of wide-spread anti-semitism in region; radical Islam infiltration; usurpation of resources trying to keep all citizens safe. Worldwide apathy and indifference re: willingness to work, get a job, be productive.

labor party 

relations with arabs

ultra-orthodox; right-wing; settlers

Social Issues

13. Now for some demographic information. First, something about your nationality or nationality.

For Israelis, please indicate whether you are actually voting in the Israeli election, or potentially able to vote.   

One each for China, Colombia, Germany, UK.  This survey tool returned a response of [no answer entered] for all other respondents.

14. Please enter your age.                 

Current average: 38.98. One response was 0; removing it, the average is 39.95.

15. What is your profession? If you are currently in a college or university degree program, seeking an undergraduate or graduate degree, what school do you attend and which degree are you seeking?        

Responses fall into three groups:

Teacher

University

College professor

Professor

Lecturer

Historian

Professor

Professor

University faculty

Researcher

Academic

Professor Emerita

Teacher, clerk

Shanghai university

Student at university of Düsseldorf

Researcher / doctoral candidate

Undergraduate Student. University of Wyoming, B.A. in Religious Studies minor in Psychology.

I am a student at the University of Wyoming studying International Relations

I'm currently an undergraduate at Harvard University pursuing a degree in Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations (Modern Middle Eastern Studies) or International Development.

Student

Student

[student]

Student

Student

In High School

Writer (poet, literary translator, book reviewer).

Medical Dr

Fundraiser

Rabbi

Self employed

Lawyer

Attorney

Work in a non-profit organization

Technical field

I don't attend a university

Retired lawyer.

Self-employed.

homemaker

Commercial Architecture

Urban planner

Writer/office assistant

16. In which state (or country, if not within the U.S.) did you attend high school?          

USA respondents:

Non US respondents

Based on the context, “Iran” is a “joke” response. Based on other answers in this person’s response, this respondent is a high school student in Colorado, and should be added to respondents answering “Colorado” to this question.

University of Wyoming Israel Election Survey results

Seth Ward, University of Wyoming

January 30, 2013

University of Wyoming Israel Election Survey results so far (as of January 21 2013).

If you have not yet taken the survey, please follow this link:  

https://survey.uwyo.edu/TakeSurvey.aspx?SurveyID=m6KM9om2I

1.        The most arbitrary result: survey results compiled to predict Knesset representation. This was not done “scientifically” but “mathematically” in the sense that indices were assigned to various results, and the indices added, divided and combined until reaching a result that could result in 120 members of Knesset.

How this was done: 

% Individual party vote times 3

+ % vote for three parties result

+ Number predicting five largest parties

+ ½ % the vote for PM, assigned to the PM’s party

+ 1/3 % believing parties will be in the coalition.

Results divided by 6 and rounded to produce 120. (more than 0.33 rounded up, otherwise rounded down).

Some scores were eliminated: parties not receiving more than 10% in the individual vote, or more than 15% in the “vote for three parties” were excluded from the individual vote results; parties that received less than 15% in vote for three were were excluded from the three party vote results. Similar limitations were imposed on the other categories.

2.       Prime Minister: Netanyahu collected 32% of the vote of this group.  If the center/left parties united, they would have won, with almost half (about 47%) of the vote. Add votes for Avigdor Lieberman and Aryeh Elad, and at 35% the right wing is still far behind.

3.       What coalition will emerge? According to the results so far, it could include HaBayit Hayehudi, Likud-Yisrael Beteynu, Kadima, Shas, and UTJ. According to the projection above, this would be 58 MKs. The average projection for the size of the coalition is about 69. The next  largest votes were for Tzippi Livni; in this projection that would yield 72 mandates. Or,  Yesh Atid or Labor, with equal numbers of respondents predicting they will be part of the government, resulting in 69 or 67 mandates voting for the government, closer to the survey’s prediction.

4.       Any notable results?

a.       Netanyahu is widely expected to win of course.

b.      But in this survey, the single-party vote is heavily left wing, and the three-party vote is left/moderate, with, for example, Meretz doing about the same as Likud/Beitenu.  In fact, only Labor, Likud and Meretz got more than 25% in the “vote for three” question. In the calculations for MKs above, some results were excluded; using only the parties that were included in this calculation, % Individual party vote times 3 + % vote for three parties results in three times the raw inedixe for left wing parties.
This is hardly representative of the Israeli electorate!

c.       Respondents were more realistic about who will actually be the largest parties: few thought Meretz would number among them.  Likud, Shas—and Labor (!) got the most predictions. Tzippi Livni, Habayit Hayehudi and Kadima got the next number of votes (in that order) but all around half the numbers of those predicting Likud, Shas and Labor to be among the largest three parties.

d.      The left/center leaning is not particularly surprising, although the strong showing of Labor is. Labor seems to be a solid “second or third choice” 10% voted for Likud—but 32% would have included it if they could vote for three parties: same as Likud and more than Meretz, both of which polled higher in the traditional “single party “ vote.

e.      Another surprise, to me, is that Am Shalem polled identical numbers to Kadima in the “vote for three parties” question.  Am Shalem played no significant role in predictions for largest parties or coalition partners, but this could mean it is a party worth watching.

5.       What issues are most important.

My survey did not include “Peace” as one of the named issues—but this was the most frequently mentioned word in the “other” responses. Security and Social issues topped the list of responses, with economic issues coming not far behind. Ten points behind Security came State of Palestine and Religious Divisions. Israeli Arabs and Haredim--two  sectors of Israeli society who generally do not serve in the Army—had radically different levels: only 5% signified Haredim as an issue, but 17% noted Israeli Arabs. 

6.       Respondents

Only one respondent reported growing up in Israel. Most respondents completed high school in the USA. Two were from other Middle Eastern countries, and several completed high school in South America, UK, Germany, or Africa. About equal numbers were students; teachers (including professors, researchers, university faculty and others); or other (a rabbi, lawyers, professionals, etc.).

I’ll keep this survey open until well after the elections, and I’ll rethink the results of this survey based on additional responses returned.   (Survey results show time submitted, so it will be possible to make adjustments to read the results after the Elections).

Seth Ward

Vote for your choice in the Israeli Elections!

Invitation to a survey at 

 https://survey.uwyo.edu/TakeSurvey.aspx?SurveyID=m6KM9om2I 

What do you think will happen in the Israeli Elections?

In the US elections in 2012, not only were US citizens polled over and over about their choices, but it seems that similar polls were conducted around the world. I have not seen many such polls, however, for the Israeli elections.

So here is your chance: Please vote in this survey about your choices for the upcoming Israeli election, on January 22 2013. Vote for or against Netanyahu, Labor, religious or secular or Arab parties, or for one of the small single-issue lists!

Here's the survey link: https://survey.uwyo.edu/TakeSurvey.aspx?SurveyID=m6KM9om2I 

There is no introduction inside the survey itself. The material below serves as the introduction, and has some guidance for those who want to know more about the Israeli electoral system and parties, and about the Survey. If you are familiar with Israeli elections, you can go straight to the Survey. 

 On the Israeli elections, system, and parties: 

There are many essays about the Israeli elections readily available on line. The Knesset website is the official elections website, with, for example, the complete directory of party lists at http://www.knesset.gov.il/elections19/eng/list/ListIndex_eng.aspx . Everything is available in English, Arabic and Hebrew.

I have written an essay about the elections: http://sethward.posterous.com/israeli-elections. A brief guide to the main party lists on Wikipedia is: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israeli_legislative_election,_2013#Participating_parties

Here is a website with a good, short summary of the political positions. http://tin.tv/site/article/%D7%91%D7%9C%D7%95%D7%92/your-guide-to-the-2013-israeli-election  

I was surprised at how few websites actually list the main points of each party in a succinct way. Both according to my memory, and to the results of websearchers (such as Google), there seem to have been more “platform” oriented websites for the 2009 elections, and more listings oriented more towards the “politicking” for the current elections. (However interesting this conclusion may be, remember it is an unscientific observation!).  

The survey

First, the survey asks for your vote—who you would vote for. Don’t simply “vote for the likely winner”—the survey has a group of questions for that purpose later on.

Second, this survey has some additional voting questions: A “Straw Poll” or beauty contest: if you could vote in direct election of Prime Minister, how would you vote? And, Israel’s government will be formed by a coalition, not a single party, so if you could vote for multiple parties, which would they be? (The survey asks you to pick three). Remember, this is your vote for what you want, not necessarily for who will win!

Third, the survey is interested in your thoughts about what will actually transpire as a result of the vote, with questions about who will likely form a government, the size of the coalition, and its largest members.

There are spaces for brief narrative explanations of your choices, and some demographics at the end.

The tool used to create the survey randomized the list order. This may make the poll slightly more “scientific” although, regrettably, it’s more difficult to find the party list you wish to vote for.

The survey may send you a confirmation after you complete it, and it’s designed to report your choices anonymously to me. 

[Update: so far, it's sending the respondent confirmation to ME, not to the survey participant. Although I set it up to be anonymous AND to send YOU an email confirmation, I am not sure it actually has this capacity.] 

Background and Reporting

This survey reflects considerations developed in a classroom teaching and exercises in my “Modern Middle East” classes at the University of Wyoming in previous years.  In my classes, I offered a small prize for the best prediction, written up as a short essay. I designed this survey in part to allow for machine scoring of a larger number of responses rather than reviewing a relatively small number of classroom essays. Scoring for the predictive part of the responses is based on the number of days before the election the survey was submitted, and the accuracy of predictions for prime minister, largest parties, coalition partners, size of coalition (Knesset mandates), and date of confirmation. Of course, I will also report the results of the actual “voting” section of the survey—I will send the results to anyone interested, and post them on http://sethward.posterous.com.   

Unfortunately, no prize is being offered for this survey.

Please complete the survey before the elections. But, note that the survey will technically remain open after January 22, 2013, until the next government is formed (or until mid-March if no government is confirmed). 

PLEASE take the survey yourself. PLEASE also circulate the survey as widely as possible, and feel free to post or distribute a link to this page (not to the survey itself, as it has no introduction page): on Facebook or Twitter, to classes, clubs, Hillels, groups, organizations, synagogues churches or other religious or social organizations, etc.  

I welcome your thoughts about the survey: sward@uwyo.edu. Or you can post comments on this document at my blog site. (If you are not reading it on my blog website, it 's at http://sethward.posterous.com/vote-for-your-choice-in-the-israeli-elections)  

 Here’s the survey link again, https://survey.uwyo.edu/TakeSurvey.aspx?SurveyID=m6KM9om2I 

Many thanks.

Seth Ward

University of Wyoming. 

Israeli Elections

Seth Ward

University of Wyoming

This essay is edited and updated from an essay I wrote for the elections to the 18^th Knesset, Feb. 10 2009. Voting for the 19^th Knesset is scheduled for January 22, 2013.

 The Israeli System

The Israeli electoral system is so different from the U.S. system that many Americans have no idea about just how it works, and how the system shapes the meaning of Israeli elections. The Parliamentary system is used in elections throughout the Middle East (and much of the rest of the world), and proportional voting for lists is also common, so understanding this electoral system can be a key to understanding the systems used in other countries.

The Israeli system considers the entire country a single district. Voters do not vote directly for the Executive Branch, or even vote directly for representatives to serve in the Knesset (Israel’s Legislature). Instead, they vote for lists of candidates for the Knesset, and Knesset seats (sometimes called "mandates") are awarded to individuals on the lists, based on the percentage of the vote for party lists getting more than 2% of the popular vote, as will be explained in more detail below. The Executive Branch (called "the government") is formed by the leader of a Knesset faction who can assemble a Coalition and a Cabinet that can be confirmed by majority Knesset vote. The electoral lists are generally supplied by individual political parties, so they may be called “party lists,” but various factions can unite to form a common list, or secede from parties to form their own list and so forth.

Actually, in some cases Israelis are in effect voting for individuals. For example, in the current election, Tzippi Livni established her own personal list, and attracted a number of prominent figures to join her. Perhaps the most famous example of this was Sammy Flatto-Sharon, who sought parliamentary immunity to avoid extradition in 1977, and won enough votes to be elected.

Most important though, voters may be voting for the individual in the top slot on the lists of the major parties—the party’s candidate for Prime Minister. In early stages of the 2009 election, three individuals had emerged as likely candidates to become Prime Minister: Benjamin Netanyahu, Ehud Barak, and Tzippi Livni. At this point (December 2012), most polls show current Prime Minister Netanyahu with a substantial lead over the other candidates, but several other persons in top slots are often mentioned as possible candidates for PM. Those who vote for the smaller parties also may be voting because of the top person on the party list, too, who is most likely to get a government ministry if the party joins the government.

While it’s not likely, if enough Israelis vote for parties that could block Netanyahu’s bid to remain Prime Minister, it is possible that the leader of a list with a relatively small number of Knesset mandates could be asked to form the government.

The Knesset has 120 members; if only two lists were vying in the election and one received 60% of the votes and the other 40%, the top 72 from the one list and the top 48 from the other would be seated in the Knesset. In practice, there are usually many more lists vying for election (34 lists were presented to the Knesset by the deadline), and usually none gets more than 25%-30%. Polls for the election do not assume any party will get more than about 30 seats—25% of the Knesset—although they also assume that 60-75% of the Knesset seats will be from the top five lists.

The voter makes only one choice, a vote for one list, not the large number of candidates in US elections. At the polling place, he or she receives an envelope, goes into a private booth, selects a slip of paper with the symbol of a list and puts it in the ballot envelope. Then the voter steps out of the booth and inserts the envelope into the ballot box. If there is more than one slip of paper in the envelope, it invalidates the ballot.

Often parties will form joint lists. Quite a few such joint lists are understandable combinations of parties, but some joint lists represent smaller parties running together mainly to secure Knesset seats, because in the current Israeli system, 2% of actual votes are required in order for a list to gain representation. Thus in the 17^th Knesset, three of the smallest lists to be successful were multiparty lists, which combined for 15 seats—more than 10% of Knesset seats. Meretz and Yahad were similar politically, and their combined list vote tally in 2006 was 118,000—which meant the first 5 on their combined list were seated in the Knesset. But the 2% cutoff was 62,000 votes, so if Meretz and Yahad had run separately and each received exactly half of their joint actual total, neither would have had any representation. In the 2009 elections, the Green Party (environmentalists) and Meimad (a liberal religious party), had a joint list—perhaps an unlikely alliance—and they were not successful in their bid to earn seats in the Knesset. This alliance though is a good example of why such alliances occur. Had this party entered the Knesset, it is quite possible that they might have been part of the Government coalition regardless of who became Prime Minister, in which case the leader of Meimad might well have been a Minister and the environmental platform would been included in the coalition agreement. In the current election, the most talked about combined list is Likud/Yisrael Beitenu, in which Netanyahu and Avigdor Leiberman are joining forces, easily expected to win the largest number of mandates.

Joint lists might alternate one candidate from each faction, or if one faction is small, one candidate from the smaller faction after each three or four from the larger faction. Lists are manipulated also for electoral visibility: most Zionist parties have Arabs and especially Druze Arabs in “realistic” slots—in other words, if the list is expected to win 15-20 seats, slot 10 is fairly sure, slot 15 is realistic, slot 30 is unrealistic. So too, a party can manipulate the number of women in realistic slots. Some parties have had “primaries” to organize their lists. As in US elections, the voting patterns of party loyalists have not always been seen as producing effective results for the general election.

The President (Hebrew “Nasi”) of the State of Israel is a largely ceremonial position. The President is elected by the Knesset for a five year term. The President receives ambassadors presenting their credentials, can issue pardons, and in certain circumstances can dissolve Parliament, and can use the prestige of his office in various ways to promote peace or other Israeli interests. But his major political role is that, after the election, the President meets with the parties, and proposes as Prime Minister the Member of Knesset who, in his judgment, is most likely to succeed in forming a coalition and presenting a slate of Ministers to the Knesset. This is not always the leader of the largest party list: In the current Knesset (2009 election), it was Netanyahu, the leader of the second largest delegation. 

The Hebrew title for Prime MInister, Rosh Memshalah, actually translates to “Head of the Government,”  which may be understood as “Head of the Executive Branch.” The Prime Minister desgnate has three weeks to cement a coalition and propose a slate Ministers and Deputy Ministers, including himself or herself as Prime Minister, and the Minister of Defense, Foreign Minister, and other ministers and deputy ministers. The Prime Minister must be a Member of Knesset, most of the others usually are but do not have to be. The slate represents a coalition of various parties totaling at least one more than half the 120 members of the Knesset: the coalition needs at least 61 votes. This vote confirms the cabinet officers all at once, not individual by individual as in the US Executive branch.

Small parties often have great power here: they can exact a heavy price in coalition agreements in order to push a coalition past 60 votes. A very small party can bargain both that their leader become a Minister and that the coalition adopt certain legislation, in return for even as few as two or three seats counting towards the needed 61 votes.

In some cases, the first person asked cannot put together a coalition, or cannot put together a coalition in the amount of time allotted, in which case more time may be offered, another person might be asked to form a government, or new elections might be called.

Since the Government coalition has a majority, they should have enough votes to pass everything they propose, and to defeat everything they oppose. In practice this means that all important decisions are taken within the Government coalition—usually at the level of the Ministers, or by the parties they represent, and those outside the government or outside the coalition parties have very limited power. 

The prime minister may well attempt to put together a Government in which his or her party holds more seats than any other faction in the government, and to limit the number of ministers from outside his party to fewer than those from within his party. If the largest party has 31 or more seats, it can have a majority within the Government: 31 out of 61 mandates, the narrowest of majorities in the 120-seat Knesset. This scenario may be more likely if a party holds, say, 35 seats in a coalition of 65. The January 2013 election might make it possible for the Likud-Yisrael Beitenu combined list to do this, although not enough for the Likud faction alone to have more than 31 mandates or an absolute majority within the government. While coalitions in which one party dominated were more common in the early days of the state, this was impossible in the 18^th Knesset, for example: the largest delegation was 28.

Sometimes, however, the Prime Minister Designate will propose a broad “Unity” coalition, bringing together diverse political entities. What this means is that the PM’s party does not dominate the Government, and a minority portion of the unity coalition may more easily assemble enough votes to cripple the coalition, or to topple the government.

For several elections (1996, 1999, and 2001), there was direct election of the Prime Minister. In other words, the Israeli voter had two slips of paper, one with the symbol of a Knesset List, and one with the name of a candidate for Prime Minister. Some Israeli analysts who had called for the direct election of Prime Minister believed that this system would never work without increasing the degree of independence and power of Knesset members, for example by making some or all Knesset members directly responsible to smaller electoral districts, such as is the case in the United States, and a higher threshold for election to the Knesset. This, however, did not happen, and Israel went back to a single-vote system.

If the Government cannot muster a majority on an important issue, the Prime Minister resigns and there is an attempt to form a new government. The Prime Minister may resign for other reasons. A Member of Knesset can also propose a Vote of No Confidence in the Government. The resignation of the Prime Minister requires confirmation of a new government by the Knesset: there is no automatic succession as there is in the case of the American Presidency. The old government continues as a "caretaker" until the new government is formed. Sometimes the new government in such situations looks a lot like the previous government, with small tweaks if necessary to maintain a majority. If a new government can be formed, the Knesset is not dissolved.

The Knesset must be dissolved and stand for reelection four years after it was elected. In the current situation, the Knesset could have served four and a half years, as Israeli law provides that the term of a Knesset elected after a Knesset dissolved itself extends to the Jewish month of Heshvan (October/November) following four years from voting. But elections for a new Knesset are more often than not called before the end of the full term. In the present case, Prime Minister Netanyahu called for elections in January rather than October 2013 to seek a mandate, to avoid a protracted election cycle, and to avoid compromises or agreements that might not be forthcoming and perhaps lessen his chances at reelection.

Wikipedia usually is a good source for Israel election results, for example for the last two elections http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israeli_legislative_election,_2006 and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israeli_legislative_election,_2009

But the Knesset Website is the best and most authoritative source. Voting for the curent (18^th)Knesset is here: http://www.knesset.gov.il/description/eng/eng_mimshal_res18.htm and the list of candidates submitted for election to the 19^th Knesset is here: http://www.knesset.gov.il/elections19/eng/list/ListIndex_eng.aspx (as of this writing, only the Hebrew List Index has the complete lists).

 Other systems

Above it was suggested that understanding the Israeli system will help understand other Middle Eastern systems, so before returning to the potential significance of the Israeli elections, a few notes on some other electoral systems in the Middle East. It should be noted though that whatever the electoral system, the electoral mandate is compromised or non-existent if the government does not submit to the electorate in an inevitable, timely fashion, or if the process or schedule precludes a fair contest.

The Palestinian parliamentary elections reflected some of the ideas of the Israeli reformers mentioned above: they were ½ (66 members) proportional for the entire electorate, on the Israeli model, and ½ (66 members) proportional elections in smaller districts, some electing just one representative, and some electing up to five. Some of the small-district elections had required seats for religious minorities, e.g. Christian or Samaritan. The Palestinian Authority did not adopt the direct election of the Prime Minister, but the Palestinians directly elect the President, who has much more of a political role than in the Israeli system. But in actual practice it is not constitutional roles but armaments and personal loyalty that have determined much about who does and does not exercise political power in the Palestinian areas. The winner of the Parliamentary elections in 2006, Hamas, nominated the Prime Minister, but after Hamas and Fatah fought in 2007, Mahmoud Abbas dismissed the Government and appointed a new Prime Minister. Moreover, the terms of President and Parliament expired long ago without new elections. Fatah holds power in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza. Salam Fayad's government in the West Bank has made great strides, but it is clear that the political realities trump the electoral results and conpromise the emergence of desired government and civic institutions.

The Iraqis vote by lists, and there are a large number of them. In provincial elections, Iraqis could vote for an entire list, or single out members of the lists for individual votes. These lists are to set up so that 25% of the persons on them are women, and an Iraqi Supreme Court decision has further provided that the women should be seated so that after two males seated a woman is seated. The Open List system was adopted by almost all parties for the national Parliamentary elections in 2010. There have been a number of decisions that have changed important aspects of the voting. Iraq has not yet achieved a stable system, but given the situation that gave rise to its Constitution, I think it's best to emphasise the positive electoral achievements.

Iranians vote for Parliament and for the President, and have local elections, including direct election of Mayors. But, the Supreme Leader and the Guardian Council vet the candidates and control the process, and the Supreme Leader's power seems to have been supported by the most recent Parliamentary results. On paper, you might say, there is at least the structure of a government responsable to the people with institutions that safeguard national values and regular voting--and indeed, the government is probably more responsive to the political will of the people than was the case under the Shah! Which is not saying much, moreover it was a much more open society in those days. Given the strife that erupted after the Ahmadinejad's reelection, there will be a lot of pressure on all sides. The next election is June 14, 2013, and will include Presidential as well as City and Village councils.

As of this writing, Egyptian debates about the political system have taken to the streets to protest the new constitution, and it remains to be seen whether the popular expression on the Egyptian street will result in broader representation in the legislature and executive. My guess is that the quick passage of the new constitution was designed to ensure the Muslim Brotherhood’s grip on the Egyptian government. and make government less responsive to responsible to minorities, to women, and to secularists. The Brotherhood may have a tighter grip on Egypt than Mubarak did. If protesters continue to press for more inclusive government, or unite and elect their candidates to Parliament, things may change--but I would not count on this in the short or intermediate term.   

Since the Ta'if agreement brought an end to years of civil war starting in 1975, Lebanon’s legislature is evenly divided between “Muslims” and “Christians” although it should be stressed that these are political and community labels, rather than religious ones. Lebanon continues to require the President to be a Maronite Christian and the Prime Minister to be a Sunni Muslim. Nevertheless, the Shiite (and extremist) movement Hizbullah has enormous power, and appears to have been responsible for the selection of the current PM.

Turkey has a strong democratic tradition; even when the army has seized power, they have restored civilian, democratic process. The party currently in power, AKP, has been quite succesful though in neutralizing journalism, the army, and other potential sources of threats to its control--and in winning ever larger segments of the electorate.

What's important here? The most important consideration is not how the Parliament and President are elected, but the degree to which the election creates political power responsible to the broad electorate. The will of the People can never be seen as monolithic--so the democratic system has to institutionalize effective representation of those who do not form the governing majority--whether they are political, religious, ethnic, linguistic, gender or other groups, maintain civic institutions and promote an educated and informed electorate, and robust civil debate.Ultimately, we should ask such things as: Does the electorate control such things as the monopoly on legitimate use of force, usually considered a prerogative of government? Does the government ignore the electorate's mandate or favor majorities at the expense of minorities who then have no recourse? Elections should reflect political strength of various ideas in a society, facilitate a robust political discourse about these ideas, and allow for the exercise of power legitimately--and be prepared to face the people on schedule and to cede power to the next elected government. An interruption or cancellation of the transfer of that power within regular intervals, as a result of the expression of popular will, is inconceivable. 

Many observers of the Israeli scene assert that Israel is the "only democracy in the Middle East." Since the rise of a nascent Iraqi democracy after the fall of Saddam Hussein and especially since the "Arab Spring" (and one could even say since 1979 in Iran), the nature of democratic expression in the region is changing. But the players are not particularly committed to checks and balances, protection of minorities, peaceful change in government, inevitable reckoning by the electorate, and other cornerstones of democracy. I am not particularly hopeful for the benefits expected from the removal of tyrants and dictators in a few Arab countries in the short term. In Iran, in Egypt and elsewhere, we have seen people insist that the government serve the people and be responsible to them, rather than the other way around--but change is slow, and in this region there is every reason to suppose that new regimes arising after the Arab Spring and Syrian civil war will be no better--and perhaps worse--than the dictators they replaced. The solution is not simply replacing military dictators by elected regimes, but by the long and steady development of the institutions of a democratic, civil society, and succesful resistance when these institutions or the Press are being compromised. Also needed: development of open, responsible but robust discussion in political debate and journalism; an educated electorate; solving the question of inclusion of minority communities; and governments committed to general economic and social advancement of the governed more than their own political, ideological, religious or personal advancement (and, I should add, popular movements strong enough to demand this when governments do not live up to this expectation, as we are seeing these days in the Middle East). All these things take time: there is no "magic bullet" shortcut to end corruption, create civic infrastructure, and end illiteracy. 

In the MIddle East, we should probably add also that it will take time and popular will to reverse and eradicate the poison of antisemitism (clothed in "Antizionism"), the results of religious coercion and the youth bubble, and the long history of disenfranchisement (or lagging enfranchisement)--of Palestinian Arabs, of women, of minority religions or nationalities, and other diversity groups throughout the region. And, that versions of many of the problems I've outlined exist in Israeli society, albeit within a robust, effective democratic system.  

But let's return to Israel.

On the Israeli elections, 2013.

Netanyahu’s “Likud” and Avigdor Lieberman’s “Yisrael Beitenu” are strongly allied. Reviewing all the polls, this list seems slated to gain the largest number of seats in the Knesset, although not enough to make it impossible to block them from forming a government. In Israeli politics, elections generally have to do with attitudes towards security and peace. Issues stressed tend to be how much can be offered for peace with Palestinian Arabs, and whether or not, or exactly how, a Palestinian state should come about.

In this election though, social and economic issues may play a larger role than usual. A generation ago, Israel was a much less stratified economy and the gap between poor and rich was not as large as today. Labor, especially under the leadership of Shelly Yachimovich, is identified with social issues. Leadership also may be an issue. Tzippi Livni created a “movement” (tnu’ah) around herself; whatever else can be said for it, her ability to attract major names to her list may well indicate dissatisfaction with many of the others vying for leadership roles in Israeli governance. Nevertheless, Benjamin Netanyahu will most likely form the government. It will probably be fairly “narrow,” but that could easily change with the specifics of the election.

While most of the analysis is going to be about Likud-Yisrael Beteinu, Labor, Kadima and Livni, in addition there are several other types of parties. An important segment of the political debate has to do with religious parties, representing very different sectors of the Jewish religious community. Some are "National Religious"--fully engaged in the Israeli civic stream--sending their children to government religious schools, serving in the army and involved in all sectors of society. Others reflect "Haredi" (often translated "Ultra-Orthodox") streams, many of whom segregate themselves from Israeli society in various ways--an independent school system, no Army service, even maintaining separate transportation and busses in some cases. The question of Haredi national service is one of the issues that led to early elections. Arab representation is another such issue: Many Zionist parties have Arab and Druze participation, and there will probably be some 6-12 Arabs and Druzes elected on "Zionist" lists, as well as Members of Knesset elected from Arab or Arab-Jewish “non-Zionist” parties—although recent reports suggest that Israeli Arab participation in Israeli elections is declining. The next Government of Israel will most likely include a party or parties representing National Religious and/or Haredi. Some commentators have suggested that if the Arab parties participate in a succesful effort to block a Likud-led government, they will demand representation in the Government as a reward.  

Although many Israeli jurists feel the 2% threshold is not enough to prevent small, one-issue groups from winning Knesset representation, such groups have won in the past, and sometimes won big: the 17^th Knesset had 7 members from a party formed to support Pensioners’ rights, more than enough to have surpassed most plans for a higher threshhold. One-issue parties are represented in the current election, for example, the list called “The Pirates” which calls for protection for pirated software. As in the United States, small contingents with strong commitments to single issues can have immense political clout. So far, attempts to raise the threshold do not have much support in the Knesset.

The likely electoral results suggest that the Prime Minister designate will appeal to sectors of the Religious parties that can be attracted to belong to his or her coalition, as his pretty much always been the case. Internet chatter talks about some of the Arab parties not only being part of the group able to “block” Netanyahu, but demanding a place in the coalition if successful. These and other parties with a small number of highly defined goals will shape the policies of the new coalition, and in some cases be credited or blamed as the reason why the Government is not proceeding on some of the goals of the larger parties.

Significance

What kinds of things should students of the Modern Middle East watch for in this process?

In 2009, the recent operation against Hamas – Oferet Yetzuka usually translated “Cast Lead,” shaped the entire electoral process and its results were judged in its light. It’s not yet clear to me whether Amud Anan will similarly reshape the current process. Hamas’ victory celebrations are not surprising, of course: celebrating even the most ineffective attack on Israel as a victory is typical Middle Eastern practice, and celebrations can go on even when militarily the result was defeat or destruction of Arab military resources. In 1973, for example, Israeli forces were surprised by Egypt and Syria, but came back quickly to encircle the Egyptian army, and threatened Damascus and Cairo. The 1973 conflict made it possible for Sadat to come to Jerusalem seeking peace. If only the military results and diplomatic change-around would be taken into account, this might be called “losing the conflict to defeat Israel and suing for peace”—but Arab countries see 1973 as a victory and Israel sees it as a disappointment.

I do not think Amud Anan will be considered enough of a disappointment to endanger Likud; in fact it may strengthen Netanyahu. But, I do not think Israelis will vote solely on the basis of relations with Hamas and Fatah, and social and economic issues will have at least some hearing. It seems to me that Israel’s security long term will be most secure when Palestinian Arabs view the extremists in their midst not as brave freedom fighters who stood up to Israel, but as misguided militants whose promises were empty and whose resistance led only to massive death and destruction. In this sense, as for example, strikingly in 1996 (Netanyahu’s first term as Prime Minister), Fatah and Hamas may still be the most important factors in Israeli elections.

Seth Ward

Lecturer in Islam and Judaism (Assoc. Acad. Prof.)

Religious Studies Program, University of Wyoming

http://uwyo.edu/sward

http://uwyo.edu/sward/blog

Jewish Identity and Crypto-Judaism: The emergence of a community

Seth Ward, University of Wyoming

Leslie and Gloria Mound Library

Netanya Academic College, Netanya Israel, May 23, 2012

Introduction from library talk

I am happy indeed to honor my friend Gloria Mound and to honor the creation of the Leslie and Gloria Mound library. For the past few years I have brought a student study-abroad delegation (havaya yisraelit limudit) from the University of Wyoming in May or June. Last year I made intense efforts to adjust my schedule to speak at the opening; in the end this proved impossible. I regretted not being able to attend the opening ceremony and conference, and thank the Netanya Academic College for this opportunity to celebrate the opening of this important resource. I am also grateful for this opportunity to recall the late Leslie Mound, z”l. I brought students to Gan Yavneh a few times; as much as they recalled the resources and enthusiasm that Gloria Mound brought to this study, they recalled the graciousness of Leslie Mound, whose kind manner and warmth was so highly appreciated by my students and colleagues at receptions made at the Mound’s home after Gloria’s presentation. He is deeply missed.

I beg indulgence of my students—this is not a part of my career that is often reflected in their classes.

In April, I spoke at an event honoring Dr. Stan Hordes, a man whose long career has had many achievements, not all of them related to crypto-Jews or Jewish history; and, as a state Historian and expert on water and other rights descending from Spanish colonial times in that area, not even to Jewish studies at all. This past May I spoke at the Leslie and Gloria Mound library in Netanya Israel, a collection of books and materials that opened last year and is part of a new program in Sephardic studies with special reference to Crypto-Jews. These occasions provided a reference point to take stock of the changes and growth over the past few decades.

Put very simply, the past three decades or so have seen radical changes in the expression and study of what I shall call “crypto-Judaism,” in the way Crypto-Judaism is understood, in the emergence of a community, and its relationship with Judaism. Moreover, this period has seen sharp changes in ways that Jewish identity is articulated, and today I hope to address themes about community and identity that may be of particular interest to today’s audience.

For this audience today (In the University of Shanghai) I should start with a definition: In many places around the world, there are individuals who see themselves as descendants of Jews who were living in Spain over 500 years ago. Even in the 13^th century, Jews (and Muslims) were under pressure to join the dominant society by adopting Christianity, and many did so. All of them observed Christianity in public, adopting Christian names, attending Christian worship services and otherwise living Christian lives. However, some of them continued to view themselves as Jews—some only in an ethnic sense, taking pride in the fact that they Christians who were of the same race as Jesus himself—but some in a religious sense, observing Judaism in secret and passing down their heritage to their families. The pace of conversion to Christianity hastened in 1391, after riots in many cities. In the 1400s, Ferdinand of Aragon married Isabella  of Castille, uniting the two largest Kingdoms in what is today Spain—and in essence forming Spain as we know it today. They drove out the last vestige of Muslim rule in January of 1492, and in March, they decreed that all Jews had to leave Spain by the summer. But this did not affect Christians of Jewish heritage, and Jews who became Christians could stay in Spain.

My own feeling is that some converts were loyal to Judaism, others were convinced of the truth of Christianity; the situation was somewhat different in neighboring Portugal, where the entire Jewish community, including many Jews who had left Spain, were baptized and declared to be Christians in 1497. In the past 30 years in the USA—earlier in some places—a number of individuals of largely Spanish heritage have begun to assert a Jewish identity, based on their understanding that they had Jewish ancestors, and in some cases based on assumptions that their immediate ancestors had inherited some Jewish practices or beliefs—although they kept them hidden from their Christian neighbors.

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The World Over was a publication of the New York Board of Jewish Education distributed to young American Jews at Hebrew schools around the country in the 1950s and 1960s—and, I have found, fondly remembered by all those familiar with it from those days.  Their pieces about the Inquisition, especially the superb graphic-novel style histories by Morris Epstein on the back cover, highlighted the romance of Jewish survival against all odds—a theme that resonated well in this newsletter addressed to the youth of a highly assimilating community. As I remember it, the World Over never quite answered the question of what became of the descendants of the conversos who retained loyalty to Judaism. Back on those days, there were few indicators of any survival; if there were, I wonder how attractive they would have been to the World Over or to American Jews as a whole. As romantic as 16^th and early 17^th century perseverance of Jewish identity in a Christian world may have seemed, in the 20^th century North American context, converso descendants had indeed committed the arch-crime: they did not maintain Jewish identity, willfully assimilating into their environment. Indeed, the late father of the current PM, Ben-Tzion Netanyahu emphasized the degree to which many converso descendants had identified strongly as Christians and identified Spanish attitudes towards Limpieza de Sangre “purity of blood” with the beginnings of an approach to Jewish heritage in which hatred and oppression was based not on the religious orientation or even on self-identification but on determination of Jewish identity made by governments and the Church, and based more on what we would call racial heritage—the beginnings of antisemitism. Netanyahu’s conclusions are controversial to be sure, but, suggest that some of those who identified with the Law of Moses did so only because of antisemitism—a finding that is highly problematic for a community dedicated to ending antisemitism and promoting Jewish identity.

Indeed, a generation ago there was little scholarship at all that suggested any survival whatsoever of Jewish identity among the descendants of Conversos. Cecil Roth’s history of the Marranos had little; indeed, Roth was editor of the Encyclopedia Judaica and there is little in the 1972-4 publication to suggest the great flowering of interest and research that have ensured in the past 40 years. Raphael Patai had visited the village of Venta Prieta and dismissed its Judaic practices—a view he was later to emend. There were a few references to persons who believed they had some Jewish ancestry—although sometimes connected with personages such as the Carvajal family; one famous historian of 17^th century New Spain traced his own ancestry back to the Carvajal family with multiple strands—while insisting he had no connection with any Jewish ancestry at all. J.R. Marcus, the dean of American Jewish Historians, served the Jews of Trinidad, Colorado for the High Holy days for many years. He is quoted as suggesting that there were as some 2000 New Christians in New Mexico in the 16^th century—yet it is not clear to me that he believed the Spanish speakers in the area preserved Jewish practices or identity into the 20^th century. There was little popular awareness either. Dan Ross published a wonderful book called Acts of Faith (my first published article was a short review of this book) with accounts of his travels to Venta Prieta, of the Xuetas and other communities which preserved Jewish identity—in 1982—and had nothing to say about the New Mexico phenomenon.

The Six Day War—in which the old city of Jerusalem came into Israeli control and Israel avoided disaster, and attitudes toward Israel and Judaism began to change—the growth of a more denominational approach to Jewish education, and the spirit of multiculturalism changed American Jewish life. Slowly there came to be more awareness of broader diversity in Judaism. America as a whole changed too, and so did the Spanish-ancestry community. Urbanization and mobility brought many Hispanos into contact with Jews; Suburbanization and economic growth brought them together as well, as did education and shared experiences stretching back to World War II.  America had become a melting Pot, but in the aftermath of the 1960s, greater valorization of diversity and a radical drop in Antisemitism also played a role. (Charles Silberman argued that American Antisemitism ended in the 1970s when a major family corporation that had had a history of excluding Jews appointed a Jewish president and no one really made a fuss over it), and in any case, according to an important AJC study, anti-Jewish feelings among persons of hispano ancestry born in America was very low, as compared to the high rate of antisemitism among those born outside the US. The conditions were set for a reconsideration of Jewish heritage among converso descendants.

Stan Hordes’ often-repeated account of how people began to express a sense of Jewish identity to him refers to quiet, nearly-clandestine approaches by individuals who had heard him speak about practices reported by the Spanish Inquisition as “Judaizing,” such as lighting candles or having larger meals on Friday evenings, avoiding pork, or eating flat breads around Easter time. These twentieth-century informants told him that they had always wondered about their own, similar family traditions and that his accounts of crypto-Jewish practices from several hundred years ago explained them. In other cases, as reported to me and to others, persons of Spanish heritage who came into contact with Jewish families as domestics, college roommates or army buddies remarked on similarities of practice. At least in such cases, the quest for Jewish identity was initiated by the people themselves as the result of contact with Jews, to be sure, but not by some folklorist or journalist probing them for details, a practice which usually is seen as tainting the research.

Slowly, a consistent picture emerged, usually described as the survival of Jewish practices and some sense of a special identity. Hordes’ historical research work provided a sound basis for interpreting modern practices, and his familiarity with genealogical records enabled him to track the ancestry of some of the families with practices that fit the pattern—often enough finding known Jewish Iberian ancestors. At the very least, there is a sound basis for understanding some of the reported practices as evidence of survival either of Jewish ritual or converso responses to external fear of Judaism, in other words, modern testimony among the descendants of Spanish colonials to converso heritage. But it also made him keenly aware of the limitations of the sources, of the need for sensitivity and respect for privacy, and care to report findings but not over-interpret. For example, certain objects with potential Jewish significance, or the prevalence of certain names have often been adduced as evidence of a hidden Jewish heritage; he and others have shown that these arguments are of limited utility. In any case, the publication and dissemination of these research findings in the form of scholarly articles, documentaries, exhibits and more greatly facilitated the emergence of a community of individuals of largely Hispanic ancestry who identify in some way with the Jewish people

Claims of preserved Jewish heritage have often been controversial, in the US as well as in Israel. A fundamental difference, of course, is that in Israel, there are a number of governmental considerations such as the Law of Return, population registry, state-religious schools and many more that have official stakes in status determination; no such government institutions exist in the U.S. situation. Thus in Israel, deliberations about whether Ethiopian Beta Israel or Falas Mura, Xuetas, Bnai Menashe may be considered Jewish involve governmental bodies. In America, there is no such government involvement of course, and for the most part, no mainstream rabbinic guidance is sought. Some converso descendants have adopted a fully Jewish identity, working with Rabbis trained by some of the main Ranbbinic seminaries—I mean here the large rabbinic schools that furnish Rabbis for all of the main Jewish communities all across the American spectrum from more to less observant—but in my experience, many parts of this community are drawn to work with self-proclaimed Rabbis with no smichut or diploma at all, or whose training is from small programs with little standing in the general Jewish community.

To return to the history of the emergence of this community in America: Whereas there had been reports about Jewish identity among indigenous Mexican people (i.e. Indians) with Venta Prieta, the first inklings of a change in the notion of a “crypto-Jewish identity” in the USA began to emerge in the 1970s and 1980s. In the late 1970s and 80s there were references to contemporary Hispanic families who identified as Jews. Carlos Llaralde did a PhD on members of his own family in the Brownsville are in Texas, near the Mexican border; Some talked about Tejano (Texan)– Jewish identity in places such as San Antonio, and I learned of a number of memoires that were written in those days, but not published, perhaps out of fear of rejection in the largely-Catholic worlds in which the writers lived. This began to change radically in the mid-1980s. There were a few publications around 1985, Hordes and Tomas Atencio published a detailed prospectus in 1987; and a number of histories of New Mexico mentioned some telling details. Hordes was a standard bearer for this change: he interviewed with the American Public Broadcasting Service and was featured in some documentaries, wrote articles in professional journals and newspapers, founded two professional historical societies, and worked with the Smithsonian Institution on an exhibition. A further impetus to this development in the late 1980s was the 500^th anniversary of the Expulsion from Spain. I had just moved from Haifa to Denver Colorado in 1991, and well remember interest expressed to me in such issues as whether Spain would use the occasion to welcome the Jews back to Spain—and what this would mean to people of Spanish ancestry.

Back in 1996, I suggested that Crypto-Judaism could be studied and discussed under the rubrics of the question of genealogy, the canon of evidence, and the expression of identity. The “canon of evidence included what I call “argument from names” -- rigorous research has shown that in fact during the 19^th century this argument holds up—using a set of nine families that exhibit crypto-Jewish features, it has been shown that for a generation or two in the 19^th century there were in fact a statistically significant subset of names that were used by their ancestors; otherwise however the evidence is not convincing. A second set of evidence is artifacts—people talked about items used as mezuzot, or holy books or other items supposedly associated with Jewish practice. Again, research has shown that the description of the artifact by those associated with it is more determinative than the artifact itself—most of the artifacts cited as evidence are unconvincing when taken alone. Another part of the canon of evidence is a tradition in a family that somos judaeos “we are Jews” or accusations that these people were Jews. Again, this is not as convincing as you might think: accusations of Judaism may simply reflect an anti-Semitic slur more than actual Jewish heritage.

Patient genealogical work demonstrated Jewish ancestry but a “genetic essentialism” so often plagues popular treatments of this phenomenon; as DNA evidence began to be available professional, critical analysis and serious critiques to flawed arguments are even more necessary. Conclusions drawn from DNA evidence often do not stand up under scrutiny, or are irrelevant to the point being made. For example, the famous “Cohen Modal Haplotype” – a Y chromosome pattern occurring with striking frequency among men who claim to be Kohanim – occurs often enough among people with no such claim, so often, indeed, that in general, Jewish males with traditions of being Kohanim are only a small subset of males with this haplotype—put differently, a Kohen has a strikingly high probability of having this haplotype, but a person with the haplotype still has a very low probability of being Jewish or having Jewish ancestors. (This type of analysis is important even when addressed to those who are impervious to logic and, unwilling to accept the fact that often proffered evidence does not stand up under scrutiny.  I wrote these lines about some of the genetics presentations in various conference I have attended, but it applies equally well to those such as Judith Neulander or various journalists who wrote critically in general of work identifying the phenomenon of Crypto-Judaism) To my mind, the most important decision in the area of genetic genealogy was to devote much effort and energy to the medical sphere: one may quibble about the interpretation of this or that allele or group of Y-chromosome genes, but the identification of diseases and disorders worth testing among a given subset of the population saves lives.

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The most important component is the study of the expression of identity. Prof. Kunin’s book on the subject is Juggling Identities. This book has a fascinating analysis of a session offered by some Messianic Christians on how they constructed their sense of a Jewish heritage and Jewish identity—based on a conference presentation which might not have come about except for Stan’s patient insistence to program committee members and society board that giving them a space to articulate their approach was a crucial component in understanding all aspects of Crypto-Jewish identity.

So, what are the components of this community? In my teaching, I often use the typology of “believing, behaving and belonging” to organize descriptions of what is important in describing religious movements. Among the Crypto-Jews of the U.S. Southwest, there is little unanimity of belief in the traditional religious sense: some fervently believe in God and some don’t, some express beliefs that would be familiar to anyone in the normative Jewish community; most do not. Underlying this, I conclude, is an important belief: the belief in the value of continuity of their Jewish identity, at least in a hidden form, and the value of their type of identity. To rephrase this: they believe it is important to affirm that they and their ancestors have always been Jewish in at least some sense, rather than to assert that they have some Jewish ancestors or heritage and they have chosen to identify as Jews. 

Behavior is easier to discuss, as is the sense of belonging. Indeed, in observing this community and participating in some of their events, it seems to me that the believing and belonging components are expressed in a readily identifiable pattern.

1.      1.  Rituals and places. Rabbis, Conference, Purim/Esther

Some people in this community follow very traditional Jewish rituals, but most do not. Most talk about rituals and practices they believe their ancestors followed: lighting candles on Friday nights –similar to the Jewish practice—but in a hidden area in the house, or baking pan de Semita at Easter time—but few follow these rituals either. Research has shown that the Jewish festival of Purim was highly meaningful to Crypto Jews several centuries ago, especially the story of Esther, who kept her Jewish identity secret even when brought into the royal palace and married to the King—but while they talk of Esther with pride, relatively few participate in normative Purim activities.

Many, though, participate in various groups and forums, conferences and travel. They seek DNA confirmation of their heritage—it seems to me that this should be considered a kind of ritual. They consult Rabbis and cheer various organizations and rabbis who speak to their beliefs about the continuity of their Jewish identity—regardless of the training and standing of these leaders. Just as “Jewish continuity” seems to be a major unifying belief (rather than belief in God)—as is true for many Jews in the Mainstream Jewish world—who do not have strong religious beliefs regarding the Divine--this style of “Jewish practice” mirrors that of the general Jewish community, whose practice has only a small religious content, but often centers around leaders whose opinions are cherished, and non-religious community institutions.

Thus, “belonging” is the most important component—but here we see that belonging to the Crypto-Jewish community or to a Sephardic subset of Judaism—appears to be the most important component of this equation.

2.      2.  Minority attitudes-Crypto Jews /African American parallels 1960-1980s.

An interesting area for further research is a comparison between Hispanic Crypto-Jews and African American Muslims. Both groups share a narrative asserting a unique heritage:  “Our ancestors included Jews or Muslims” (that is not or not merely Christian Blacks or Spaniards), and a conscious choice to adopt this heritage, including the notion that some small trace was preserved – even if it was hidden or nearly destroyed. Moreover, these communities have not simply folded into the religious mainstream, both due to some of the choices they have made, and due to a feeling in the respective mainstream communities that these groups may represent historic returns – but are also marginal and have practices and beliefs that may not be “mainstream” enough.  

3.      3. Complex attitude towards mainstream, classic communities, multiple identities, reshaping self-image

The Crypto-Jews remind us that adopting a religious heritage can be very complex, and part of a multiple set of identities. There is no single pattern; if anything, the Crypto-Jews seem to behave more like American secular Jews than traditional Jews. Despite the protestations of Crypto-Jews that they are maintaining a religious tradition, often it is the racial component that is most important to them. DNA do not have religion—but often that is just how this is expressed in this community.

4.      4. Important roles of researchers/standard bearers/ creation of institutions and publications.

Finally, I must offer a few words about “Standard Bearers,” institutions and publications in the formation of identity.  I mentioned various processes and changes such as the Six Day War, integration into urban and especially suburban areas with large Jewish populations, shared experiences in World War II, the decline of antisemitism—and I do think these were necessary for and partially the cause for openness to or indeed desire to express a Jewish identity among hispanos. But I do not think they were sufficient: people like Stan Hordes and Gloria Mound worked to help give this phenomenon a voice, and (this is also important) combined commitment to spreading the voice with research and critical thinking. Although Stan, for example, has often been called a “booster” he is more of a “standard bearer”—both in the since of carrying the flag (i.e. the ‘standard’) but also of maintain standards. The leaders and institutions created have made it possible for hispanos interested in exploring Jewish identity to do so, and made it easy to be part of the “Crypto-Jewish Community” – and on the whole these institutions have not insisted on a traditional approach to belonging to the Jewish mainstream. It seems to me to be inevitable that this be so, and the institutions pretty much have to adopt a broad, inclusive and secular approach, in which the religious component is similar to that of secular Jewish institutions.

It is also inevitable that some individuals, movements and institutions are entirely committed to integrating descendants of Crypto-Jews into the contemporary Jewish community and providing them a traditional Jewish identity. Had organizations or Rabbis emphasizing traditional religious training and practice (and not emphasizing research and an inclusive approach) been more active in the US, for example, the shape of the Crypto-Judaism “community” would have been quite different.

POSTSCRIPT

Here in China, Jewish identity is not much of an issue, although it might be that individuals who believe they have ancestry from Kai Feng or for that matter from Jews of Shanghai or Tientsin of a century or more ago might come forward and assert that they hid  their Jewish identity from public view for various reasons. However, many Chinese people are wrestling with questions of preserving ethnic and – yes—religious or belief-oriented practice—and the comparison with the issues raised by Crypto-Judaism may well be instructive. 

Jewish Identity and Crypto-Judaism: The emergence of a community

Seth Ward, University of Wyoming

Stan Hordes, the leading researcher about contemporary Crypto-Judaism in the Southwestern U.S., often recounts how people came to him quietly after lectures about Spanish Inquisition records of 16^th--17^th -century “Judaizing” practices such as lighting candles, large meals on Friday evenings, and avoiding pork. They told him this was their own story too--the practices described matched unusual family practices they had always wondered about.

In the US, Hispanics wondered about Judaism and remarked on perceived similarities as they heard lectures, or came in contact with Jewish families as domestics, college roommates or army buddies, Especially from the 1980s, anti-Semitism was falling among Hispanics born in the United States, and many quested to understand and appreciate a Jewish component to their heritage. 

Slowly, a consistent picture emerged, and many Hispanics identified in various ways as Jews or “Crypto-Jews.” Hordes’ historical research work provided a sound basis for interpreting family practices sometimes associated with crypto-Judaism, and familiarity with genealogical records sometimes enabled him to find that such families had known Jewish ancestors. He and others worked to understand whether reported practices are explicable either as evidence of survival of Jewish rituals, or converso responses to fear of accusation of Judaizing.

Yet he also emphasized critical research standards, the need for sensitivity and privacy, and the pitfalls of over-interpretation, for example, proving that the prevalence of certain names in this population is significant only for some names and some decades, otherwise having no correlation to Jewish heritage, and arguing that artifacts purported to evidence hidden Jewish heritage attest to the way people interpret them, not necessarily to the actual history of the object, and have limited utility in “proving” Jewish ancestry.

Hordes’ most important role was the publication and dissemination of research in scholarly articles, documentaries, exhibits and more, greatly facilitating the emergence of a community of Hispanic ancestry who identify in some way as Crypto-Jews.  Journalistic reports and academic research have a more direct influence in the USA than in Israel. Without the Law of Return, Israel population registry, state-religious schools, and the Chief Rabbinate, there is no government and little mainstream Rabbinic involvement in determining Jewish identity. Some converso descendants have joined the Jewish mainstream, but many chose no affiliation (in this way resembling a large portion of American Jews), or are drawn to groups or Rabbis outside the Jewish mainstream. As a result, the work of scholars (such as Hordes) and journalists, reporting real or imagined research, and of supposed validation via names, genetics or artifacts, plays a more crucial role than any formal authority.

The first inklings of the development of an American Crypto-Jewish identity began to emerge in the 1970s and 1980s (well after reports began to emerge in Mexico and elsewhere), with references to contemporary Hispanic families who identified as Jews. Carlos Llaralde’s PhD dissertation studied members of his own family in the Brownsville area in Texas, near the Mexican border, and there was talk about Tejano (Texan)-Jewish identity in places such as San Antonio. Memoires were written in those days, but not published, perhaps out of fear of rejection in the largely-Catholic worlds in which the writers lived. This began to change radically in the mid-1980s. There were a few publications around 1985, and Hordes and Tomas Atencio published a detailed prospectus in 1987. A number of histories of New Mexico written in the late 1980s mentioned some telling details. Hordes was a standard-bearer for this change: he was interviewed by the American Public Broadcasting Service  and was featured in documentaries, wrote articles in professional journals and newspapers, co-founded professional historical societies for Crypto-Jewish Studies and New Mexico Jewish history, and worked with the Smithsonian Institution on an exhibition. Some of the impetus to this development in the late 1980s was the 500^th anniversary of the Expulsion from Spain. I well remember interest expressed to me in the mainstream Jewish community about such issues as whether Spain would use the occasion to welcome the Jews back to Spain—and what this would mean to people of Spanish ancestry who had lost this part of their heritage.

I’ve argued that discussion of Crypto-Judaism should focus on three rubrics: the canon of evidence, the question of genealogy, and the expression of identity.

The “canon of evidence” has many problematic elements, such as the argument from names and artifacts mentioned above. Hordes’ genealogical research into a group of families showed that this argument holds up for a generation or two in the 19^th century, otherwise is unconvincing. Regarding artifacts—items supposedly used as mezuzot, holy books, etc., or symbols held to be Jewish--research demonstrated that artifact or symbol descriptions often reflect the value assigned them by the describer rather than the artifact’s original purpose. Yet these descriptions themselves give important testimony to how such items are understood today.

Another type of evidence is family tradition, for example, a tradition handed down that somos judaeos “we are Jews,” or that some other family was Jewish. Again, this is not as convincing as some think: for example, accusations of Judaism might reflect anti-Semitic slurs applied to people with no actual Jewish ancestry, perhaps even adopted by them as a point of pride.

While critical analysis may question individual items in the canon of evidence, a strong pattern of practices, artifacts and traditions recur often among American Crypto-Jews and help define their identity.

The “question of genealogy” is likewise problematic in many ways. In a general sense, all American hispanos are likely to have some Jews among their ancestors: even low estimates of medieval Iberian demography, intermarriage and migration suggest it’s statistically unlikely that any American Hispanos today lack any Jewish ancestors. Specific Jewish ancestry can only be demonstrated by patient genealogical work (Hordes has been a leader in this area), not shortcuts based on personal names, places or spellings. “Genetic essentialism” often plagues popular treatments of this phenomenon. Conclusions drawn from DNA evidence often do not stand up under scrutiny, or are irrelevant to the point being made. For example, while there is a higher than expected probability that Jews identifying as Kohanim have the “Cohen Modal Haplotype” Y chromosome pattern, a random person with the haplotype has a low probability of being Jewish, and no genetic pattern implies preservation of Jewish beliefs, practice or identity. (For example, former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s four grandparents were all Jews, yet she is not considered Jewish).  Unfortunately, many popular discussions, conference presentations and individual crypto-Jews assert such flawed genetic essentialism—here too, often testifying to the way these data are understood by those who cite them and use them to understand their own identity.

To my mind, the best use of genetic genealogy relates to the medical sphere: one may quibble about the interpretation of an allele or gene, but the identification of diseases and disorders worth testing among a given subset of the population saves lives. Hordes has been active in promoting medical population genetics, and a more critical approach to the whole issue.

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To my mind, the most important component is the expression of identity. Prof. Kunin’s book Juggling Identities is based on numerous interviews in the area, leading to understand the expression of crypto-Jewish identities. Indeed, as I have argued above, the evidence and genealogy adduced are best understood in the context of identity. Indeed, the most striking aspect is not the evidence and genealogy, but the way attitudes towards Judaism have changed in this community.

An informal community of American Hispanos claiming their ancestors were forced to become Catholics has emerged in the past three decades, largely but not entirely with roots in the Southwestern U.S. What are the components of this community? I like to use categories of “believing, behaving and belonging” to discuss religious phenomena, and they shape the discussion here.

As with mainstream American Jews, there is little uniformity of traditional religious belief among U.S. Crypto-Jews: some fervently believe in God and some don’t, some express beliefs that would be familiar to anyone in the mainstream Jewish community; most do not. But most believe in the value of the continuity of their Jewish identity, at least in a hidden form: a belief that they and their ancestors have always been Jewish in at least some sense (rather than just having some Jewish ancestors or choosing to identify as Jews). 

As for “behaving:” Some people in this community follow very traditional Jewish rituals, but most do not. Most talk about rituals and practices they believe their ancestors followed: lighting candles on Friday nights –similar to the Jewish practice, but in a hidden area in the house, or baking pan de Semita at Easter time—but few follow these rituals either. They assert that Purim is highly meaningful to Crypto-Jews and talk of Esther with pride for maintaining Jewish identity in secret while married to the King and living in the royal palace —but few participate in normative Purim activities.

Practice is more likely to involve participation in various groups and forums, conferences and travel. They seek DNA confirmation of their heritage (perhaps this is a kind of ritual). They consult rabbis and cheer various organizations that validate their beliefs about the continuity of their Jewish identity and the nature of that identity, while wary of total identification with Jewish mainstream—a cause of the complexity of their relation with it). “Belonging” to a Crypto-Jewish or Sephardic community (often not the mainstream Jewish community!) is more important than traditional beliefs and behaviors.

As we saw with belief in “Jewish continuity” (rather than God), this style of “Jewish practice” in which there is often only a small religious content, emphasizing non-religious community institutions and ethnic practices, also mirrors a large portion of the American Jewish mainstream.  

It may be instructive to compare American Hispanic Crypto-Jews and African American Muslims. Both groups share a foundation narrative asserting a unique heritage, including the survival of a small trace even if completely hidden or nearly destroyed. Neither community has simply folded into its religious mainstream, maintaining a complex relationship with their “former identities” and often marginalized by many who question whether these groups are authentic enough or meet religious standards.

The Crypto-Jews remind us that adopting a religious heritage can be very complex, and part of a multiple set of identities. There is no single pattern; if anything, the Crypto-Jews seem to behave more like American secular Jews than traditional Jews. Crypto-Jews assert they are maintaining a religious tradition but often it is the essentialist genetic (i.e. racial) component that is most important to them. It’s often difficult for them to relate to mainstream Jewish community concerns such as Israel, educating the next generation, and deepening Jewish identification among a population that considers Judaism elective. Yet if the way they handle genealogy, evidence and identity is unique, and their relationship with the Jewish mainstream complex, their patterns and priorities of believing, behaving and belonging  fit into an American pattern, and underscore the importance of national models in understanding crypto-Judaic phenomena around the world.

Finally, a word about “Standard Bearers.” Integration into urban and especially suburban areas with large Jewish populations, shared experiences in World War II, the decline of anti-Semitism all were necessary for hispano openness and desire to express a Jewish identity.  But I do not think they were sufficient: people like Stan Hordes worked to help give this phenomenon a voice.  Although Hordes for example, has often been called a “booster” he is more of a “standard bearer”—both as in carrying the flag (i.e. the ‘standard’) but also of setting the standard: combining commitment to this community with research and critical thinking. The leadership of committed individuals such as Stan Hordes with solid research credentials is crucial to the emergence and stability of this community.

December 4 2012

The issue of Haredim (“ultra orthodox” Jews) and the Israeli Army (Israel Defense Forces, IDF) is a recurrent one in Israeli politics. In the early days of the State of Israel, David Ben-Gurion authorized an exemption from universal military service for what was at that time a small number of Torah scholars. Not too long ago, Israel’s Supreme Court declared the “Tal Law”—the most recent version of the law allowing exemptions for Haredim—to be unconstitutional.

I write this in early December 2012, a few days after Nov 29—Kaf Tet be-November, remembered by many as the date of the UN’s adoption of Resolution 181 in 1947, calling for the end of the British Mandate for Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish State as well as an Arab State and international zone. This year, on the 65^th anniversary of that date, the UN adopted a resolution recognizing Palestine as a non-Member Observer State status. On the evening of Nov. 29, after ma’ariv ( the evening service), a religious neighbor suggested to me that the reason Israel was beset by Hamas on the one hand, and the UN vote favoring the PLO on the other, was the drafting of Haredim into the IDF.

I do not know how widespread this viewpoint is among Jews associated with the “Yeshiva” world. My interlocutor certainly looked surprised that I did not take this to be self-evident. In fact, the reasoning appears to me to be unacceptable, just as it is when the argument is that lack of Torah study or laxity in observance lead to the Holocaust, or (le-havdil, as Jews say when making such comparisons), when Pat Robertson suggested the cause of Hurricane Katrina’s devastation had to do with what he considered to be moral depravity. Moreover, if one were to accept this kind of logic, one could just as easily argue the Divine Will was to underscore the current need for defense, and thus yeshiva students not doing their part to serve in the Army are failing to observe the mitzvot of maintaining life, and of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel.

In August 2012, at the height of the discussion about the Tal Law, Rabbi Avraham Avidan came to Denver on a personal visit and gave a few talks at my synagogue. Although he spoke about many issues in halacha and concerning the Army, he did not discuss this issue at all. I took the liberty of a quiet moment to approach him to ask about the issue of Haredim and the Israel Defense Forces. The question makes sense, in that he has had a history of working with the IDF on issues in Jewish law, as well as directly with soldiers both in his yeshiva and in the army-- and he noted that he clearly identifies with both the National Religious and the Haredi worlds (there are very few prominent Rabbis who are as clearly identified with both camps). 

While I wrote up this note, I did not circulate it at that time, concluding that I had asked him privately about a matter he did not choose to discuss in public. If the position I heard Thursday night has any traction though, it is a good idea to make more people aware of Rabbi Avidan’s perspective. The rest of this posting (until the last lines) reconstructs my discussion with Rabbi Avidan, and is essentially unchanged from the note I wrote in mid-August 2012.

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Rabbi Avidan appeared a little surprised by my question at first, although he quickly allowed that it is an important issue and that he is well-suited to be asked about it.

Ha-Rav Avidan noted that Haredi participation in the IDF is already rising, and that it appears that it will continue to do so. Among the reasons for this he noted a real problem of employment and income in the haredi sector, and that the there is no way that everyone can be supported in full time Torah study. He suggested that the most brilliant and committed will continue to study Torah full time, pretty much oblivious to the other problems, but others will not be able to do so. Moreover, there are many success stories of Haredim in the military--he pointed to computer programming and analysis, including military intelligence--saying that their studies have sharpened these types of analytic skills.

As an aside, aware that in contemporary Israeli political discourse, the issue is linked with the question of the other community that by and large does not serve in the IDF, Rabbi Avidan volunteered that he did not think there any way Arabs would be inducted into the army.

Another issue raised is the degree to which the IDF is prepared for an influx of Haredim. In his opinion, the issue of being present where there is singing is not the only one, not even the major one. As an example, he noted that there are now female commanders throughout the IDF. It is just not practical at present to have a mafakedet –a female commander—for Haredi men.

The process is moving slowly, but it would appear inexhorably: more Haredim are entering the Army and the IDF is slowly moving to find the best ways to have Haredi soldiers.

The unfortunate thing, according to Rabbi Avidan, is that this is now politicized--various politicians have concluded that taking various positions will help their career, and are proceeding without much practical thought as to just how to achieve the aim.

But the aim is an important one--it would appear that Rabbi Avidan believes the Haredi community not only is supplying more people to the Army, but must continue to do so. But, the political football has complicated this, and rather than promoting Haredi service, it makes it more difficult to move forward.

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In the end, the Palestinian Authority, Hamas, the Arab Spring, the need to integrate Haredim into the Israeli economy and avoid widespread poverty will probably not be the most important factors in determining the degree to which Haredim integrate into the IDF or the timetable and frameworks for such integration.  In the near future, considerations arising from negotiations and coalitions formed before and after the elections slated for January 2013 will be far more important.

Seth Ward

I wrote this back in June, 2004, responding to an inquiry passed along by Prof. Khaleel Mohammad (San Diego State University) to some of his colleagues. The inquiry was from an Imam who characterized himself as not being an Anti-Semite, or being anti-Jewish, and was discussed on line by Prof. Mohammad and some of our colleagues. My statement below was edited from my responses to various paragraphs in the discussion. I saved the original format of responses to paragraphs, and a file that was only my contribution to the discussion (reproduced below). I can no longer reconstruct exactly who wrote what in the longer discussion, (other than my own responses, which I highlighted), as the email trail that generated the document is no longer readily available. I think it is inappropriate to publish verbatim (even to a blog) a text in which the overwhelming percentage of the words are not mine, even if doing so might make some of my points just a little more clear or provide more exact references for them. So I have reviewed the longer format but made only a few minor edits today, mostly punctuation or fixing verb tenses (Nov. 30, 2012).

It is possible that the author who claims not to be an anti-Semite, or “anti-Jew” means exactly what he says he means: he does not feel he is “anti-Jew” as such. He feels he is not against the Jewish people, or against individual Jews, it is just that he opposes some of the things he believes they have done which he believes are hateful. It is important, however, not to go beyond specific acts of specific Jews; making unfounded generalizations would be the same as assuming all Arabs are mukhribun “terrorists” because of the acts of a few.  And he should be aware that many of those Jews or others he feels are “Anti-Muslim” would make the same kind of statement he makes: they are not “against Islam,” it is just that they oppose some of the things done by persons who claim to be Muslims, who claim that what they do is done in the name of Islam.

The term “Anti-Semite” (German: antisemitismus) was coined by Wilhelm Marr about 130 years ago, in Germany, and has to do with a political movement which was in fact very much anti-Jewish. At that time there were few Arabs or any other Semitic-speaking people in Europe and the question of whether Arabs are Semites is totally irrelevant to the term “Anti-Semitism.” It is most appropriate to use this term to refer to German or European anti-Jewish movements; any other use is an extension. In English, the term has come to mean opposition to Jews and Judaism, especially certain types of political and ideological opposition to Jews and Judaism, and it is often used to refer to specific patterns of hatred of Jews outside the original context.

Prof. Muhammad’s comparison with “American” is very apt. “Anti-American” is understood by everyone in the world to mean “opposing the USA” or opposing some aspect of this, not “Anti-western hemisphere.”

Using the term Anti-Semite confuses the issue for precisely the reason indicated by the Imam when it is assumed to have anything to do with Semitic peoples or languages.

Regardless of whether the term is appropriate, some Arabs and many other Muslims have adopted and disseminated literature and viewpoints which are clearly associated with the political and ideological movement of Anti-Semitism, such as a tract usually called the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and various other libels and akdhāb associated with the Nazis or with their supporters. Thus it is unfortunately quite valid to talk of the circulation of anti-Semitic ideas and literature in the Arab and Islamic world.

In the Second World War, in fact, the Arab world, by and large, sided with the Nazis and their anti-Semitic propaganda.  The most obvious cases are that of the British-appointed Mufti of Jerusalem Al-Hajj Al-Amin Al-Husseini, and of the Iraqi regime of Rashid Ali. The Nazi position stood for wanton disregard for the sanctity of human life, wholesale murder of powerless people who could not be considered attacking it in any way, and a goal of world domination by an ethnic people, not by justice and loyalty to God. Regardless of any political opposition to the British or the Zionist movement, it should be impossible to justify support for Nazism—even the appearance of support for this Godless movement—with submission to God’s will.

Connecting Jews with pigs was a favorite of the Nazis. Nevertheless, one would think that the Qur’an’s reference to the conversion of Jews into pigs and apes was to an event which happened in the past. I am not sure whether the Qur’an is to be taken literally regarding people turning into animals. But if so, the meaning would imply that the Jews today are in fact descended from those who were loyal to God, not those who rebelled. (I do not think it acceptable that those who disbelieved in God were quickly able to evolve from apes into people, more quickly than those who believed. And I think one must accept the ẓāhir “evident meaning” about their human status, and the ẓāhir in this case is that the Jews to whom they refer are humans.)

I cannot find any evidence that “The Jews in general” hate Muslims and Arabs. Many Jews reject positions which are maintained by Muslims, and oppose what they see as Arab attempts to kill and destroy their brethren. (And are they not right to consider chants like itbaḥ al-yahud “kill the Jews” or qatilhum waqtulhum “Fight them and kill them” as threats?). The Qur’an is considered by many Muslim scholars to be applicable to all mankind. (Yes, I am aware that some legal scholars forbid the study of the Qur’an from those who do not accept it as divine). The Qur’an clearly allows defense against those who come to kill one. 

The idea that the Jews are continuously plotting against all Muslims and Christians in our current political world is ludicrous. This idea has much to do with ḥadith and with anti-Jewish Christian material, and nothing to do with politics. There were individual Jewish individuals who, as individuals, urged various actions—some urged invading Iraq and some opposed it vociferously. There were prominent Iraqis in exile who also urged the US to invade Iraq. One of the best-known was a Shi’ite, and influenced US Iraq policy no less and probably much more than any Jews—are we to cite “the Shi’ites” for causing the invasion of an Islamic country traditionally ruled by Sunnis? 

The “War Crimes” argument is not only very weak, it also points up the great divide between the practice of submission to God’s will or specifically, the idea of taqw­ā “piety” or “fear” of God. It seems to me that the proper Muslim approach to any action of ikhrāb “wanton destruction” especially that which leads to the death of innocents is to denounce it and stay far away from it, and the proper way of reacting to one who has accepted that what he did was wrong is to forgive. Ariel Sharon accepted the verdict the Israeli panel which found he acted improperly by not preventing Christian access to refugee camps in Lebanon; his current acts should be judged by their own worth, not by blaming him for acts committed long ago. Moreover, this argument could never be used by a Muslim to support ikhrāb. 

Part of this argument is based on the assumption that “American might” is focused on destroying the Islamic world. This assumption is problematic indeed. “American might” could just as easily be said as being used to build up the Arab/Muslim world, not to destroy it. In Afghanistan and Iraq, American troops and the American government have worked hard for government which is responsible to the people, and to God. I am quite aware that these are not necessarily governments which impose features associated with traditional Muslim society. But then, killing innocents, raping women, stealing wealth from both rich and poor, dealing in prohibited substances, and destroying the fabric of society cannot be considered “ruling according to God’s will” even if those who do these awful things face the Qibla and pray five times a day! (As for the Taliban and Al-Qa’ida’s supposed involvement in drug schemes: some Muslim authorities would put dealing with opiates such as heroin in the same category as dealing in alcohol, and regardless of any ruling about opiates themselves, the nature of drug-dealing today leaves no doubt that promoting this trade and living from its income is un-Islamic). How many Muslims would decry such entities as un-Islamic!   No, while US forces took the lead in attacking Iraq and Afghanistan, US has also enriched many Arab and Islamic countries, is a major supporter of Egypt, and has proven a fertile ground for the expansion of Islam. The US rightly is worried about those who attack it, and supports those whose policies are in line with its own. But it is not clear by any means that it is opposed to any country or countries simply because they are traditionally Muslim.

The notion of an Anti-Arab and Anti-Islamic bias in the American media is deeply believed by many Muslims, and it may well be possible to support it by carefully crafted studies. But it is just as easy to come to different conclusions; other studies show that important sectors of the American media are pro-Arab, at least in the sense that these media outlets invariably find Muslim or Arab points of view to counter points of view associated with supporters of Israel or of US involvement in Iraq, but do not always do the reverse. Arguments about media partisanship are easy to make, difficult to support, and, in my experience, most have to do with the acts or policies of those who claim to be believers, not with the beliefs themselves.

June 2004

Seth Ward

University of Wyoming

(Written August 15, 2012)

At the funeral of Marvin Hamlisch, there were, of course, performances of songs he wrote, and a eulogy by Bill Clinton. It was also reported that the funeral included this line of poetry:

“Oh, he had one more melody, and now that melody is lost forever, lost forever.”

This is from a poem by Hayyim Nachman Bialik, Aharei Moti “After my death,” written in 5664 according to the Jewish calendar, corresponding to 1903-4, and dedicated “to N.” The inclusion of this line in a funeral service is in fact suggested by the Rabbis’ Handbook of the CCAR (Central Conference of American Rabbis) – the professional organization of the Reform Rabbinate and appropriate of course for a service at Temple Emanu-El in Manhattan.

The poem is well known, and was written at about the same time as several of Bialik’s most famous poems—“On the Slaughter” and “In the City of Death” responding to the deadly pogroms in Kishinev.

Translations of “After my Death” are readily available on-line, for example, in a translation by T. Carmi  http://www.eilatgordinlevitan.com/volozhin/vol_pages/volstories_bialik.html (at the very end), and by David P. Stern http://www.phy6.org/outreach/poems/bialik2.htm .

Here is the beginning of Stern’s translation:

After my death, thus shall you mourn me
"There was a man --and see: he is no more!
Before his time did this man depart
And the song of his life in its midst was stilled
And alas! One more tune did he have
And now that tune is forever lost
Forever lost!

And it is available in Hebrew http://benyehuda.org/bialik/bia064.html . Here is the line excerpted in the report of the funeral:

וְשִׁירַת חַיָּיו בְּאֶמְצַע נִפְסְקָה;

וְצַר! עוֹד מִזְמוֹר אֶחָד הָיָה-לּוֹ –

וְהִנֵּה אָבַד הַמִּזְמוֹר לָעַד,

אָבַד לָעַד!

Much of Bialik’s poetry has been set to music. Here is a recording of Chava Albershtein singing it, with a melody written by Tzippi Fleisher:

The musical imagery in Bialik’s poem could not be more appropriate for the late Marvin Hamlisch. I am not sure anyone knows who “N.” was, and Hamlisch’s career suggests that unlike the subject of Bialik’s poetry, Hamlisch found expression for all his “hidden chords” through his creativity and talent.

Seth Ward

Mandy Patinkin’s rendition of “White Christmas” is about as far from the Shopping-mall Muzak or Bing Crosby as you can imagine.

He sang it in Mamaloshen, inserted into his rendition of Der Alter Tzigayner “The Old Gypsy” (Music: Abe Ellstein and Lyrics: Jacob Jacobs). The song says “Listen to the strains of the old gypsy’s fiddle, its haunting melody will touch your soul,” and comes from a musical called “Bublitchki” featuring Molly Picon.

You can hear Patinkin’s rendition:

Words for Der Alter Tzigayner, as heard on the recording, are given with translation at http://www.mudcat.org/thread.cfm?threadid=15879

The song refers to the gypsy melody that “fills you with lust and joyousness,” played by the old gypsy as only a gypsy can, “with his soul on fire.” In this rendition, the “gypsy melody” is (surprise!) an American standard with words and music by the Russian-Jewish immigrant to the United States originally known as Izzy Baline. Of course the Gypsy sings in Yiddish (Or at least Patinkin did—the song talks only about the gypsy fiddling).

The real treat in the recording is the violin, by Nadja Salerno-Sonnenberg—truly amazing. Whatever you think of Patinkin’s rendition, Salerno-Sonnenberg lives up to Jacobs' lyric about the gypsy’s fiddling:

The sounds from his fiddle 
awaken the yearnings of your soul. 
Your blood cooks and boils. 
He draws his fiddle's bow, 
and the skies begin to move. 
Your passion is to live.  
Life becomes so good.

The Yiddish lyrics written especially for Mamloshen are credited to Moishe Rosenfeld.

The Yiddish word Nitl reflect the Latin Dies Natalis “birthday” and is similar to, e.g., the Portuguese Natal as in the region of South Africa, so named because Vasco Da Gama sailed past it on Christmas. (Irving Berlin's verse describes being in Beverly Hills on December the 24th, where he was “dreaming of being up North.” Was Da Gama also dreaming of being “Up North”?).

Other explanations are unconvincing. Some have speculated that Nitl also reflects nit “no” or “little night” or the Hebrew nitleh “hanged” (although this seems farfetched, as the pronunciation in Yiddish  would be nisleh, although perhaps Nitl-nacht is a variation on Taluy-nacht “night of the hanged one” --from the same root. Hanging here refers to the mode of execution. Nevertheless, I do not think there is a Hebrew source for this term).

In any case, some Hasidic communities had the tradition of playing cards on Nitlnacht (so as not to honor the birthday-boy by studying Torah and performing commandments). Most curious, there are discussions as to whether the proper practice is to observe Nitlnacht on the Gregorian or Julian calendar, in other words, Jews would observe the "ritually correct" evening; the practice of their Christian neighbors being irrelevant.

Listen to the recording for a rendition that is not at all like any other version you’ve ever heard.

זײַט געבענשט און גליקלעך און פֿײַן

May you be blessed and happy and fine!

Seth Ward

Religious Studies Program, University of Wyoming

http://uwyo.edu/sward

http://uwyo.edu/sward/blog 

The news from Israel suggests that tensions are escalating. I think there is reason to be disturbed about cross-border shelling in Golan. The worry has been that the Asad regime has kept the border largely quiet—and it is not clear whether the leadership of anti-Asad forces can or will do the same. Egypt has taught us that it is not good enough to have a government committed to “border quiet by force” rather than working to maintain good relations with the neighbor. Good fences make good neighbors as long as the fence is up and the head-of-household is firmly in charge.

The Gaza situation appears to be an escalation as well, although I suspect that the anti-Israel rocket fire reflects a more complicated mix of supply from Iran (Israel hit the supply lines recently), as well as the strength or even existence of external pressure Hamas (e.g. from Egypt) to reign in their own militias and other militias operating in Gaza.

While Arab League resistance to the rising Jewish community goes back to the latter days of the British Mandate for Palestine (i.e. it predates any sovereign state of Israel), and predates the Free Officers’ Coup that seized control of Egypt in in 1952, (to my mind) blaming all of Egypt’s problems on the existence of Israel was a tool of oppression by the regime that was overthrown last year. Nevertheless, the fall of Mubarak was not viewed in Egypt as an opportunity to question the Mubarak regime’s negative approach to Israel among Egyptians, while maintaining the peace along the border, but the opposite:  to maintain the negative approach to Israel while questioning peace along the border.

The situation vis-à-vis Israel is moreover not unique; Jews represent diversity of religion, religiosity, ethnicity, language, and culture within the region—and in Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Bahrain, Turkey, Tunisia and elsewhere every day, domestic and regional tensions reflect sunni vs. Shii, religious vs. secular, Muslim vs. Copt, Kurdish nationalism, western vs. traditional and much more. One of the results of the 21^st century in the Middle East – probably starting with the invasion of Iraq—is that the strongmen and tough fences have tumbled, and we see that the “solutions” to the underlying tensions were often artificial indeed. It seems to me that any approach to struggles anywhere in this region (as everywhere else, domestic and international, for that matter) needs to consider how better to deal with diversity, and create approaches which are more likely to limit violence and promote positive cultural and national identities with appropriate and honorable roles for all.

This weekend we recalled Kristallnacht. The violence that was generated then was energized by an ideology that ascribed all problems to the Jews, and an infrastructure that made it easy to organize. It’s easy to see a parallel in the conflation of a significant date, anger over an assassination,  and a worsening situation in Germany (caused in part of course because the Nazi “economic recovery program” was more interested in removing Jews and other undesirables from the economy and reversing the humiliation of the Great War (World War I), than real economic and social progress. In this case, the significant date is the beginning of the Islamic New Year, this year Nov. 14. I do not think anything will happen—in part because I do not think the Muslim world looks at the beginning of the Islamic hijra year as a date that has the kind of meaning and symbolism that, say, September 11^th has. But yes, I am worried today about the apparent escalation along Israel’s southwest and northeast borders.

Seth Ward

Religious Studies Program, University of Wyoming

http://uwyo.edu/sward

Essential Music of the Holocaust: Ani Maamin

How can music be essential to the Holocaust? Eliyana Adler (article referenced below) writes that singing should be considered an important element of resistance, and laments that it is not often so considered, for example, citing Prof. Yehudah Bauer’s omission of music in his discussion of Resistance. Whether or not it was effective—music and songs did not often ultimately save lives, the production and performance of works of music was a significant act of defiance, and a cultural record that played and continues to play an important role in ensuring that the Holocaust does not erase the memory of what happened. Perhaps for this reason, songs of the Holocaust were and remain part of nearly every memorial to the Holocaust.

The most well-known of these is no doubt the anthem Ani  Ma’amin. The words come from a liturgical summary of the 13 principles of Maimonides (from his commentary on Chapter 10 of the Mishnah tractate Sanhedrin), worded as a Credo for synagogue recitation, “I believe in perfect faith…” This is the twelfth principle: “I believe in perfect faith in the coming of the Messiah, and even though he tarries, I await him, every day, to come.”  It is difficult to reconstruct the history of the song Ani Ma’amin, and even the exact melody. The two examples above were copied from websites about Modzhitz Hasidic melodies. Those looking carefully at the music may note that one of the versions has more of the accidentals and modality of traditional Jewish music (e.g. lowered second note and raised third of the scale, rather than the standard minor key). As for the history of the song’s composition, the general outline of the story readily emerges from reviewing material easily available on the internet in Hebrew, English and to a certain extent in Yiddish.

http://www.modzitz.co.il/%D7%90%D7%A8%D7%9B%D7%99%D7%95%D7%9F/%D7%A1%D7%99%D7%A4%D7%95%D7%A8%D7%95%20%D7%A9%D7%9C%20%D7%A0%D7%99%D7%92%D7%95%D7%9F/235/%D7%94%D7%97%D7%A1%D7%99%D7%93%20%D7%A8%D7%91%D7%99%20%D7%A2%D7%96%D7%A8%D7%99%D7%90%D7%9C%20%D7%93%D7%95%D7%93%20%D7%A4%D7%A1%D7%98%D7%92%20%D7%9E%D7%95%D7%95%D7%A8%D7%A9%D7%94  
http://modzitz.org/story001.htm
http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/107189/jewish/Ani-Maamin.htm  
(see other links available from these sites).

R. Azriel-David Fastag (1890-1942) was one of the two most prominent developers of the songs for which the court of the Modzhitzer rebbe was famous. Fastag was noted as a composer and singer in Warsaw; 1500 people were said to have paid for tickets to come to services he led, with a capella (choir).

Fastag was among those deported from Warsaw to their deaths at Treblinka in 1942. The story goes that the words of Ani ma’min appeared to him and he began singing this song on the cattle-car—and gradually everyone joined in. He challenged those in the car to volunteer to try to bring this song to the Modzhitzer Rebbe, reportedly offering “half his portion in the world-to come” to anyone who would do so. Two young men volunteered and were able to jump from the car. Only one survived and he was able to get to safety and to deliver the music to the Modhzitzer Rebbe.

Up to the escape from the cattle car, most of the reports are pretty much the same. Often the accounts note that the singing could be heard outside the cattle-car. While most retellings refer to Fastag, Simon Zucker—who, like most others, ascribes the melody to the Modzhitzers—says it was the Rebbe of Grodzisk Mazowiecki, R. Israel Shapiro, who led his followers in singing this song.

Reports about how and where Fastag’s melody came to the Modzhitzer rebbe’s attention differ in details. Some appear to have the young man come to the Rebbe in Israel or in New York; others have him send a messenger to hand-deliver the melody. In some, it is the boy himself who wrote the notes, others recount that Fastag annotated the music and gave it to the young men. Still others say the young man sang the melody to someone who was able to write it down once he had escaped to safety.

Some of the websites I surveyed have a full account of the story, but ass a postscript saying the story should be considered a literary creation, and not necessarily an accurate presentation of the facts of the matter. The Modzitz.org website says the account of R. Azriel David Fastag is “based on HaRakeves HaMisnaggenes, “The Singing Train," a story by P. Flexer in M.S. Geshuri's Negina v'Chassidus b'Veis Kuzmir u'Bnoseha  and a story in Sichas HaShavua # 654”—so perhaps we should assume that the story, as it is usually told, is derived from Flexer’s account (as of this writing, I have not been able to examine Geshuri’s volume or the Sichat hashavua).   

To my mind, the most detailed and believable version of the story of how the melody arrived at the Modzhitzer’s court is that the surviving young man reached Switzerland, put the melody into writing, and eventually had someone deliver it to the court of the “Imrei Shaul” (Rabbi Saul Yedidya Elazar Taub 1886-1947) in Brooklyn, New York. It reached the Modzhitzer Rebbe on the day he was celebrating the Brit Milah of a grandson. The Rebbe opened the message and asked R. Ben-Tzion Shenkar to sing the song. R. Yitzhak Huttner was there as well. R. Huttner had known R. Azriel-David Fastag in Warsaw, and had eaten in his home. Obviously, the message and one last niggun from R. Fastag made an outstanding impression.

Ben-Tzion Shenkar was a young man who had sung with Cantor Joshua Pilderwasser, had studied music and composition, and became a disciple of the Imrei Shaul about 1940. Thus if this version of the story of Ani Maamin is true, it is an early example of Shenker’s immense significance in Jewish music. The melody quickly gained recognition, and was described as the “Song of the Ghetto” or “Melody (nigun) of the Ghetto” and was sung in America and Palestine in remembrance ceremonies.

If in fact the melody was known only because it was sung the Modhzitzer’s court in April 1945 in New York, it was not sung in the ghettos or at Auschwitz, achieving its fame only after the war as the quintessential song of Holocaust remembrance.

(Citations in Eliyana Adler, “No Raisins, no Almonds” Shofar, 24:4 2006, 55:  Kazcerginski, Lider, xxxiv, Mlotek and Gottlieb, We are Here, p. 76, Rubin, Voices of A People, 425, Simon Zucker, The Unconquerable Spirit 27. Adler writes about Ani Ma’amin pre-existing the Holocaust; she writes in such a way that I am not sure whether she considers the words only to have pre-existed, as obviously they did, or setting the words to this melody as well).  

Whether or not it was sung during the Holocaust itself more widely than in a single cattle car, Ani Maamin was incorporated early on into memorial ceremonies for Yom Ha-Shoah, into liturgies for Israel Independence Day, and memorial programs on, e.g. Israel Radio.

 (Dalia Ofer, The Strength of Remembrance: Commemorating the Holocaust During the First Decade in Israel JSS 6:2 2000, p. 36).

Seth Ward